森林工业中的社区和人

R. Griffin
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The colonist remains the recognizable product of the society from which he springs, and the society he creates in a new place will approximate the original as closely as is possible (see Opie in Nichols's American Frontier and Western Issues, as well as Baker and Kopytoff). The volumes examined here obviously do not exhaust the possibilities for testing the Turner thesis, but they clearly suggest that the Turnerian approach is not very useful. Kopytoff remarks that the findings of the studies in his collection, The African Frontier, stand Turner on his head. I would suggest that they do more than that, as do those of Baker, Hemming, Schmink and Wood, Cayton, and Marshall— they suggest that we should drop Turnerian buzzwords and strike out anew. One impression generated by the studies reviewed here is that frontier intrusion can be both humanly and environmentally destructive. The expansion of civilized society into forested frontiers has always entailed the destruction or massive disruption of forest ecosystems. Civilized societies tend to regard nature as a thing to be used; \"wild\" or unsettled forest is a hostile realm pending its economic development. The Amazonian case aptly illustrates this point, and with a particular poignancy, as the region's \"development\" is contemporary and continuing, even though the deleterious consequences of development are now understood both within the country and worldwide. This was not the case with earlier frontiers. The Amazonian texts reviewed here do an admirable job of detailing the impact of intrusion on ecosystems, and revealing the sociopolitical context in which intrusion takes place (Schmink and Wood, and Hemming). The destruction of Amazonia does not reflect merely the greed of South American nations claiming a share of the region, but also the international economy that makes such destruction profitable, and even imperative, if the affected nations are to obtain credit in the international market (Hemming). Moreover, to justify their actions, the Amazonian nations may reasonably point to the abysmal record of ecological destruction amassed by every other modern nation. The problem is one of human civilization per se, rather than of local intransigence, or of industrialization (as suggested by Mendes in Hemming, vol. 1). The processes now going on in the Amazon have already gone on elsewhere (see Baker on India). The concept of a frontier is an artifact of civilization. Civilized people define the frontier— as an undeveloped, uninhabited, wild zone — in opposition to the way they define themselves. All the various definitions of both civilization and its opposites are advanced by people calling themselves civilized, who therefore see civilization as fundamentally positive. Yet the history of forested frontiers suggests that such uniformly favorable views of civilization may not always be useful in dealing conceptually and practically with the problems to which civilized life gives rise. Whatever else civilization may be, it is a system by which an elite minority extorts wealth, labor, and talent from a less-privileged majority to support the elite's leisured life-style, the political structures keeping the elite in power, and, if necessary, even to pay the costs of coercing and policing the majority into economic performance and political submission. In other words, civilization is a system of exploitation. Because elites are costly to maintain, and because crude exploitation is inefficient and destructive, a civilization can survive only by expanding, either in crude territorial terms or in the subtle terms of the international economy. In expanding, it deputizes others to exploit new populations and lands. In short, the exploitation of nature by the most apparently efficient and profitable methods, at least for the short term, is inherent in civilized practice and is complementary to the exploitation of human beings. In this system, diminishing returns in one region merely encourage a new destructive intrusion into a farther region. Frontier peoples who cannot be profitably subjugated and exploited, or who refuse to submit, become mere objects to be removed from the path of progress. Hence the tragedy of indigenous peoples on every frontier. But a civilization's own population is similarly victimized. The land scarcity that induces poorer colonists to penetrate a frontier is usually only relative. Land is scarce because the best land has already been engrossed by elites (Marshal, Cayton, Baker, Schmink and Wood, and Hemming). Poor settlers have access only to new land that elites do not care immediately to take for themselves. Once the pioneer has developed the new land, i.e., initiated its ecological degradation, he often loses control through elite financial mechanisms and must then either sink into the group of poorly paid landless laborers or move to a farther frontier (see Marshall, Cayton, Schmink and Wood). Apparently civilized humanity by its very nature must expand demographically and geographically. As civilized economies are generally wasteful, owing to the inefficiency of exploitation, their geographic expansion is also inefficient and destructive. The frontier zone becomes a focal point for this destrUctive inefficiency. On the frontier, inefficiency is made recalcitrant by innate cultural conservatism.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"1991-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Communities and People in the Forest Industries\",\"authors\":\"R. Griffin\",\"doi\":\"10.2307/3983943\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"it is clear that the frontiersman's approach to the frontier environment is anything but adaptive. We now know from new settlers' practical experiences that the Amazon basin is particularly unsuited for large-scale sedentary (as distinct from shifting or long-fallow) agriculture as well as for ranching. Yet these nonetheless remain the predominant economic orientations of Amazonian colonization efforts. The \\\"cake of custom\\\" is not broken by the frontiering experience. Rather, colonization entails the bull-headed pursuit of land use strategies traditional in the metropolis, no matter how counterproductive they are in the new environment. This is further demonstrated by the Dust Bowl disaster in U.S. history, which originated when the myth that \\\"rain follows the plow\\\" was used to promote sedentary agricultural colonization of arid lands. The colonist remains the recognizable product of the society from which he springs, and the society he creates in a new place will approximate the original as closely as is possible (see Opie in Nichols's American Frontier and Western Issues, as well as Baker and Kopytoff). The volumes examined here obviously do not exhaust the possibilities for testing the Turner thesis, but they clearly suggest that the Turnerian approach is not very useful. Kopytoff remarks that the findings of the studies in his collection, The African Frontier, stand Turner on his head. I would suggest that they do more than that, as do those of Baker, Hemming, Schmink and Wood, Cayton, and Marshall— they suggest that we should drop Turnerian buzzwords and strike out anew. One impression generated by the studies reviewed here is that frontier intrusion can be both humanly and environmentally destructive. The expansion of civilized society into forested frontiers has always entailed the destruction or massive disruption of forest ecosystems. Civilized societies tend to regard nature as a thing to be used; \\\"wild\\\" or unsettled forest is a hostile realm pending its economic development. The Amazonian case aptly illustrates this point, and with a particular poignancy, as the region's \\\"development\\\" is contemporary and continuing, even though the deleterious consequences of development are now understood both within the country and worldwide. This was not the case with earlier frontiers. The Amazonian texts reviewed here do an admirable job of detailing the impact of intrusion on ecosystems, and revealing the sociopolitical context in which intrusion takes place (Schmink and Wood, and Hemming). The destruction of Amazonia does not reflect merely the greed of South American nations claiming a share of the region, but also the international economy that makes such destruction profitable, and even imperative, if the affected nations are to obtain credit in the international market (Hemming). Moreover, to justify their actions, the Amazonian nations may reasonably point to the abysmal record of ecological destruction amassed by every other modern nation. The problem is one of human civilization per se, rather than of local intransigence, or of industrialization (as suggested by Mendes in Hemming, vol. 1). The processes now going on in the Amazon have already gone on elsewhere (see Baker on India). The concept of a frontier is an artifact of civilization. Civilized people define the frontier— as an undeveloped, uninhabited, wild zone — in opposition to the way they define themselves. All the various definitions of both civilization and its opposites are advanced by people calling themselves civilized, who therefore see civilization as fundamentally positive. Yet the history of forested frontiers suggests that such uniformly favorable views of civilization may not always be useful in dealing conceptually and practically with the problems to which civilized life gives rise. Whatever else civilization may be, it is a system by which an elite minority extorts wealth, labor, and talent from a less-privileged majority to support the elite's leisured life-style, the political structures keeping the elite in power, and, if necessary, even to pay the costs of coercing and policing the majority into economic performance and political submission. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

很明显,拓荒者对边疆环境的态度绝不是适应性的。我们现在从新定居者的实际经验中知道,亚马逊盆地特别不适合大规模的定居农业(不同于流动或长期休耕)和牧场。然而,这些仍然是亚马逊殖民努力的主要经济方向。“习俗的蛋糕”并没有被前沿体验打破。相反,殖民化需要固执地追求大都市传统的土地使用策略,无论这些策略在新环境中有多么适得其反。美国历史上的沙尘暴灾害进一步证明了这一点,它起源于“雨随犁”的神话,被用来促进干旱地区的定居农业殖民。殖民者仍然是他所来自的社会的可识别的产物,他在一个新的地方创造的社会将尽可能接近原来的社会(参见尼科尔斯的《美国边疆和西部问题》中的奥佩,以及贝克和科皮托夫)。这里所考察的卷显然并没有穷尽检验透纳理论的可能性,但它们清楚地表明透纳的方法并不是很有用。科皮托夫说,他的作品集《非洲边疆》(the African Frontier)中的研究结果让特纳大为吃惊。我建议他们做得更多,就像贝克、亨明、施明克、伍德、凯顿和马歇尔一样——他们建议我们应该放弃特纳式的流行语,另起炉灶。这里回顾的研究产生的一个印象是,边境入侵可能对人类和环境都具有破坏性。文明社会向森林边界的扩张总是导致森林生态系统的破坏或大规模破坏。文明社会倾向于把自然视为一种可供利用的东西;在经济发展之前,“野生”或未开垦的森林是一个充满敌意的领域。亚马逊地区的情况恰当地说明了这一点,而且特别令人痛心,因为该地区的“发展”是当代的和持续的,尽管发展的有害后果现在在该国和全世界都得到了了解。早期的边疆并非如此。这里回顾的亚马逊文本在详细描述入侵对生态系统的影响和揭示入侵发生的社会政治背景方面做了令人钦佩的工作(Schmink和Wood,以及Hemming)。亚马孙雨林的破坏不仅反映了南美国家要求在该地区占有份额的贪婪,而且反映了国际经济,如果受影响的国家要在国际市场上获得信贷,这种破坏就会有利可图,甚至是势在必行的。此外,为了证明他们的行为是合理的,亚马逊国家可以合理地指出,其他所有现代国家都积累了严重的生态破坏记录。这个问题是人类文明本身的问题,而不是当地的不妥协,也不是工业化的问题(正如门德斯在《亨明》(Hemming)第一卷中所建议的那样)。目前在亚马逊地区进行的过程已经在其他地方进行过了(见贝克论印度)。边疆的概念是文明的产物。文明人把边疆定义为未开发的、无人居住的荒野地带,与他们定义自己的方式相反。文明及其对立面的各种定义都是由自称文明人提出的,因此他们认为文明从根本上是积极的。然而,森林边界的历史表明,这种对文明的一致好评并不总是有助于从概念上和实际上处理文明生活所产生的问题。无论其他文明是什么,它都是一种制度,通过这种制度,少数精英从特权较少的多数人那里勒索财富、劳动力和人才,以支持精英的悠闲生活方式,维持精英掌权的政治结构,如果有必要,甚至支付强迫和监管多数人的成本,使其在经济上表现良好,在政治上服从。换句话说,文明是一种剥削制度。因为维持精英阶层的成本高昂,又因为粗暴的剥削是低效和破坏性的,一个文明只有通过扩张才能生存,无论是在粗暴的领土范围内,还是在微妙的国际经济中。在扩张的过程中,它代表其他人去开发新的人口和土地。简而言之,至少在短期内,以最明显有效和最有利可图的方法开发自然是文明实践所固有的,是对人类开发的补充。在这个系统中,一个地区的收益递减只会鼓励对更远地区的新的破坏性入侵。 那些不能从征服和剥削中获利的边疆人民,或者那些拒绝屈服的人,就成了被赶出进步道路的对象。因此,每一个边疆上的土著人民都是悲剧。但一个文明自身的人口也同样是受害者。促使较贫穷的殖民者进入边境的土地稀缺通常只是相对的。土地是稀缺的,因为最好的土地已经被精英们占据了(马歇尔、凯顿、贝克、施明克和伍德,以及亨明)。贫穷的定居者只能获得新土地,而精英们并不愿意立即将其占为己有。一旦拓荒者开发了新的土地,即引发了它的生态退化,他往往会通过精英金融机制失去控制,然后要么陷入低薪无地劳工群体,要么搬到更远的边境(见马歇尔、凯顿、施明克和伍德)。显然,文明的人类本质上必须在人口和地理上扩张。由于开发效率低下,文明经济通常是浪费的,因此它们的地理扩张也是低效和破坏性的。边境地带成为这种破坏性低效率的焦点。在前沿领域,先天的文化保守主义使低效率变得难以抗拒。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Communities and People in the Forest Industries
it is clear that the frontiersman's approach to the frontier environment is anything but adaptive. We now know from new settlers' practical experiences that the Amazon basin is particularly unsuited for large-scale sedentary (as distinct from shifting or long-fallow) agriculture as well as for ranching. Yet these nonetheless remain the predominant economic orientations of Amazonian colonization efforts. The "cake of custom" is not broken by the frontiering experience. Rather, colonization entails the bull-headed pursuit of land use strategies traditional in the metropolis, no matter how counterproductive they are in the new environment. This is further demonstrated by the Dust Bowl disaster in U.S. history, which originated when the myth that "rain follows the plow" was used to promote sedentary agricultural colonization of arid lands. The colonist remains the recognizable product of the society from which he springs, and the society he creates in a new place will approximate the original as closely as is possible (see Opie in Nichols's American Frontier and Western Issues, as well as Baker and Kopytoff). The volumes examined here obviously do not exhaust the possibilities for testing the Turner thesis, but they clearly suggest that the Turnerian approach is not very useful. Kopytoff remarks that the findings of the studies in his collection, The African Frontier, stand Turner on his head. I would suggest that they do more than that, as do those of Baker, Hemming, Schmink and Wood, Cayton, and Marshall— they suggest that we should drop Turnerian buzzwords and strike out anew. One impression generated by the studies reviewed here is that frontier intrusion can be both humanly and environmentally destructive. The expansion of civilized society into forested frontiers has always entailed the destruction or massive disruption of forest ecosystems. Civilized societies tend to regard nature as a thing to be used; "wild" or unsettled forest is a hostile realm pending its economic development. The Amazonian case aptly illustrates this point, and with a particular poignancy, as the region's "development" is contemporary and continuing, even though the deleterious consequences of development are now understood both within the country and worldwide. This was not the case with earlier frontiers. The Amazonian texts reviewed here do an admirable job of detailing the impact of intrusion on ecosystems, and revealing the sociopolitical context in which intrusion takes place (Schmink and Wood, and Hemming). The destruction of Amazonia does not reflect merely the greed of South American nations claiming a share of the region, but also the international economy that makes such destruction profitable, and even imperative, if the affected nations are to obtain credit in the international market (Hemming). Moreover, to justify their actions, the Amazonian nations may reasonably point to the abysmal record of ecological destruction amassed by every other modern nation. The problem is one of human civilization per se, rather than of local intransigence, or of industrialization (as suggested by Mendes in Hemming, vol. 1). The processes now going on in the Amazon have already gone on elsewhere (see Baker on India). The concept of a frontier is an artifact of civilization. Civilized people define the frontier— as an undeveloped, uninhabited, wild zone — in opposition to the way they define themselves. All the various definitions of both civilization and its opposites are advanced by people calling themselves civilized, who therefore see civilization as fundamentally positive. Yet the history of forested frontiers suggests that such uniformly favorable views of civilization may not always be useful in dealing conceptually and practically with the problems to which civilized life gives rise. Whatever else civilization may be, it is a system by which an elite minority extorts wealth, labor, and talent from a less-privileged majority to support the elite's leisured life-style, the political structures keeping the elite in power, and, if necessary, even to pay the costs of coercing and policing the majority into economic performance and political submission. In other words, civilization is a system of exploitation. Because elites are costly to maintain, and because crude exploitation is inefficient and destructive, a civilization can survive only by expanding, either in crude territorial terms or in the subtle terms of the international economy. In expanding, it deputizes others to exploit new populations and lands. In short, the exploitation of nature by the most apparently efficient and profitable methods, at least for the short term, is inherent in civilized practice and is complementary to the exploitation of human beings. In this system, diminishing returns in one region merely encourage a new destructive intrusion into a farther region. Frontier peoples who cannot be profitably subjugated and exploited, or who refuse to submit, become mere objects to be removed from the path of progress. Hence the tragedy of indigenous peoples on every frontier. But a civilization's own population is similarly victimized. The land scarcity that induces poorer colonists to penetrate a frontier is usually only relative. Land is scarce because the best land has already been engrossed by elites (Marshal, Cayton, Baker, Schmink and Wood, and Hemming). Poor settlers have access only to new land that elites do not care immediately to take for themselves. Once the pioneer has developed the new land, i.e., initiated its ecological degradation, he often loses control through elite financial mechanisms and must then either sink into the group of poorly paid landless laborers or move to a farther frontier (see Marshall, Cayton, Schmink and Wood). Apparently civilized humanity by its very nature must expand demographically and geographically. As civilized economies are generally wasteful, owing to the inefficiency of exploitation, their geographic expansion is also inefficient and destructive. The frontier zone becomes a focal point for this destrUctive inefficiency. On the frontier, inefficiency is made recalcitrant by innate cultural conservatism.
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