Forest and Conservation History最新文献

{"title":"With a Saw and a Truck: Alabama Pulpwood Producers","authors":"J. Bliss, W. A. Flick","doi":"10.2307/3983722","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983722","url":null,"abstract":"Every time an American sneezes and reaches for a tissue, picks up the morning paper, or gives a home address to a mail-order firm, America's huge paper industry is coaxed into continued action. The pulp and paper industry has grown alongside the growing southern forest, which covers between two and three of every five acres from eastern Texas to Florida. The value of timber harvested and sold from this vast forest exceeds that of any other agricultural crop. The forest products companies built upon this resource comprise the South's largest manufacturing industry, employing one of every nine manufacturing sector workers. 1 The pulp and paper industry dominates the forest products sector. Paper is made from pulp, and pulp is made from wood. A modern pulp and paper mill may use 2.7 million tons of wood per year, equivalent to about three hundred twenty tractortrailer loads of wood per day. The wood is cut and hauled to the mills by thousands of woods workers. In the South, these workers labor at the bottom of an economic and social hierarchy that provides mills with a flexible, dependable, low-cost supply of wood. Mill representatives contract with wood dealers, who in turn contract with wood producers, who supervise laborers and participate in the actual wood cutting and hauling.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125259194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Political Economy, Fuelwood Relations, and Vegetation Conservation: Kasar Kano, Northern Nigeria, 1850–1915","authors":"R. Cline-Cole","doi":"10.2307/3983721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983721","url":null,"abstract":"The consequences of increased population pressure combined with changes in economic activity have historically taken the form either of environmental degradationsuch as soilerosion and deforestation or environmental conservation such as terracing and agroforestry. The outcome depends on historically specific processes that link social structuresand technologies with populationgrowth.1 Late-nineteenth-century Kasar Kan0 in northern Nigeriaprovides an exampleof the useand management of sylvan resources, particularly firewood, in a context of precolonial population pressure, rapid economic growth, and intensified land use. In this part of Africa, as in the nineteenthcenturyUnitedStates, firewood was a \"great necessity of life,\" the exploitation and conservation of which were integral to wider land-usestrategies and to the emergence and maintenance of a diversified humanized landscape.' An agro-sylvi-pastoral system linkedmajor elements of this landscape spatiallyand temporally. Karkara was permanently settledland that supported intensive cultivation and major industrialand commercial activity; saura was farmland/fallow regrowth used for grazingsedentary livestock and as a sourceof raw material for craftwork; and daji was mostly uncultivated bush or wilderness used for hunting,grazingnomadicherds, and mining. Allthree produced fuelwood to satisfy demand in the densely populated belt adjoining the emirate capital,Kano Town.\" A rapid increase both in the rate and extent of natural vegetation modification characterized this close-settled zone (CSZ) during approximately sixtyyearspreceding and for a few years immediately followingBritish occupationin 1903. Duringthis period the CSZ experienceda localized increase in competition for, heightened tensionover, and intensified commercialization of natural resources, including firewood. This combinationwas potentially destructive since resources in the area were also increasingly privatized.' Nonetheless, management of landbased resources combined private and communal initiatives in a way that ensuredpopulation pressure did not lead to land degradation. Heinrich Barth thought the area \"one of the most fertile spots on earth\" in the mid-1800s, whileEdmund Morel described it at the turn of the twentieth centuryas a \"smiling country.\" Intensive agroforestry practices and limitations on state predation helped maintain ecological stability,' Fuelwood demand also did not exceed regional supply,and surpluses extractedfrom firewood activity were not important either as emiraterevenue or ruling classincome.' As natural landscapes are modified, vegetation undergoes physical changes such as deforestation and selective elimination of flora. Thesemodifications have an effect on crop, livestock, or fodder production, implying social or economic consequences. Social institutions operatingwithin wider socioeconomic-ecological systems mediate between the natural environmentandsocial and economic outcomes. In KasarKano, politic","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133760326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Newton Drury and the Echo Park Dam Controversy","authors":"S. R. Neel","doi":"10.2307/3983720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983720","url":null,"abstract":"In March 1951 ational Park Service Director ewton Drury resigned the post he had held for more than a decade.Drury's departure from the park service came amidst one of the twentieth century's most important environmental battles:the controversyover the proposed construction of EchoPark and SplitMountain dams in Dinosaur ational Monument. Among preservat!on'ists who rallied to defend Dinosaur there was little doubt that Druryhad been forced from office because of his opposition to the powerful Bureauof Reclamation on the Echo Park matter.' As preservationistsclamored for Drury's reinstatement, however, one voice cautioned that the situation might not be quite as it appeared. FormerSecretary of the Interior Harold Ickes suggestedto one of his preservationist friends that Drury had been compelled to resign not because he opposed the Dinosaur dams, but because he had failed to do so. Ickes hinted that embarrassingrecords in the possession of Secretary of the Interior Oscar Chap, man documented that Drury betrayed Dinosaur ational Monument as early as 194L2 The documents to which Ickes referred included a 1941 memorandum of understanding between the National Park Service and the Bureau of eclamationcallingfor conversion of Dinosaur National Monument into a multiple-use national recreation area, and a 1944 park service report that concluded such'a change in the reserve's status was justified because flooding the Greenand Yampa river canyons would create sufficient recreational opportunities to offsetany loss of scenery. Thesedocumentsare not secret, but their origins have yet to be well understood.' In particular, ewton Drury's role in their development remains unclear. If Drury, widely perceived as a dedicated preservationist, acceded to reclamation development in Dinosaur, why did he do it? Examination of ational Park Service policy toward reclamation in Dinosaur ational Monument from 1940 to 1950 may helpanswer that question. Th ' .Colorado River Basin R c;' lion Survey","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"177 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133864409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Technology, Economics, and Forestry: Water-Powered Sawmills in Italy's Cadore Region","authors":"M. Agnoletti","doi":"10.2307/3983584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983584","url":null,"abstract":"Figure , Location of Cadore in the Belluno province of northeast Italy. Illustrations accompanying thisarticle wereprovided by theauthor. Cadore, part of the Belluno province in the northeast Italian Alps, is one of Italy's most important forest regions, and the history of this land is deeply connected to its forest resources (see figure 1). Cadore's timber trade was basedon a technical and economic system that included silviculture, transportation, and milling. The system prosperedfor almost seven centuries beforedeclining at the beginning of the twentieth century.Waterpowered sawmills representone element of this system and demonstrate the level of technical knowledge that Cadore achieved.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116635518","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Forest Pharmacy","authors":"Steven Foster","doi":"10.2307/3983581","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983581","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"366 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131899411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Unlawful Hunting in England, 1500–1640","authors":"R. Manning","doi":"10.2307/3983583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983583","url":null,"abstract":"Game poaching has its origins in that loveof hunting and fishing that is found in all rural societies.In medieval England, vasthunting reserves wereset aside for the king in the royal forests; woodstealing and offenses against the king's deerwere punished severely.' The harshness of the ForestLawwas mitigated during the thirteenthand fourteenth centuries, and poaching offensesthat occurred outsidethe royal forests came to betreated as trespasses in commonlawcourts. TheGreatPeasants' Revolt of 1381 provided the pretext for the first Game Law,enacted by Parliament in 1389-90 on the assumption that peasantsand laborers usedhunting partiesas a coverfor conspiracies to riseagainst their lords.' The English GameLaws,consisting of parliamentary statutesenactedduring the latefourteenth centurythrough the eighteenthcentury,graduallytransformed this most universal of sports into a crime. The GameCode further defined the takingof wild beasts and gameas an aristocratic privilege and declared deer parks, rabbit warrens, and fishponds to be privateproperty. Since theseenclosed gamereserves frequently encroached upon manorial wastes, woods, and commons and extinguished ancientrightsof usufruct, tenants and neighbors who had formerly exercised commonrightsor whose crops suffered damagefrom escaped deer and rabbits retaliated. Their variousforms of protest ranged from anti-enclosure riots to poaching.' The Game Lawsrestedupon two dubious assumptions. Thefirst assumption was that hunting, a common form of social intercourse and a persistent expression of culturein all societies,with its rites of passage and highly emotive bondsof fraternity, couldand ought; to be restricted to a privileged few. The second assumption was that deerand hare, which the English common law regarded as ferae naturaethings of pleasure rather than profit, and upon which no valuecould be placedin an indictmentat common law-scould bestolen. This legal absurdity was so apparent to lawyers that when they drafted statutesfor Parliament or framed indictments and informations in courts of law they understood that only the circumstances in which a deeror a hare was taken could be made a crime,not the act itself. Thus the GameLaws made crimes of huntingwithout a sufficient estate, huntingat nightor in disguise, breaking intoan enclosed park,or being in the possession of hunting weapons, nets,or hounds. In short, between the fourteenth centuryand the eighteenth century, Parliament made every conceivable circumstance in whichan unqualified person might hunta crime,\"","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125197060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Old Growth: A Reconstruction of Gifford Pinchot's Training of a Forester, 1914–37","authors":"C. Miller","doi":"10.2307/3983582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983582","url":null,"abstract":"In 1897 while serving as a special forestry agent for the Department of the Interior, a young Gifford Pinchot (he was thirty-one years old at the time) travelled to the Pacific Northwest. His task was to inspect the newlycreated federal forest reserves that PresidentCleveland established beforedeparting from officethat March, to offer recommendations about their current boundaries, and to report on their future management. To this list he added a fourth goal: to persuade the region's citizenrythat the forest reserves, against which many had protested for fear that their natural resources would be forever locked up, were a politicaland economic benefit. His was going to be a hard sell.' But sellhe did, arguingthat his philosophy of conservationemphasized \"wise use\" of resources,not their completepreservation. To plead his case, Pinchot carried his message first to that emerginglocus of power in late-nineteenth-century America: the newspapers.At everystop on his three-month tour of the northwest, Pinchot made certain to meet with leadingnewspaper owners and editors to persuade them of the need for federal regulation of natural resources, hoping thereby to shift their editorial opposition. In Spokane and Seattle, for instance, he securedlengthy interviews with publishers,defusing their sharp denunciations of the reserves. He was \"greatly pleased\" byhis action, he wrote his mother after meeting with the editorial board of the Spokane Spokesman-Review, \"because this is one of the most influential of the western papers, and it has hitherto not beenin favor of the reserves. \" Revising the newspapers' perspective, in short, was the most effective means to reshape publicopinion.' Early in his career Pinchot recognized that politics was persuasion, and that airing his ideas before the public was critical to introducing forestry principles to a skepticalnation. His insight into the manner in which \"public opinion is made or directed\" would prove invaluable \"in the work of the Forest Service later on,\" as he acknowledged in his autobiography, Breaking New Ground. Indeed, at the conclusion of his serviceas chiefof the United StatesForest Service in 1910 he had amassed a file of more than 750,000 names of individuals and organizations to whom he regularly sent mass mailings to press his case on conservation, federal regulations, or pending legislation. He had become, as one historian has argued, the \"Press Agent for Forestry.\"! Getting the word out was not simply a facet of successful public relations. Pinchot understood that this was also a means of writing history; his versionof events, if repeated enough and cast as broadly as possible,would becomethe version. Having set the agenda for the present, he could influencethe agenda for the future, consequentlystructuring how succeeding generationswould come to know the past. As he asserted in his autobiography: \"[to] many parts of the story of Forestryin Americafrom 1885 to 1910, I am the only living witness,\" a","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127139776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Between Policy and Politics: The Forestry Services and the Commons in Portugal","authors":"R. Brouwer","doi":"10.2307/3983554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983554","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1930s the Portuguese government launched a massive program of reforestation on the baldios, or communal lands. Reforestation came simultaneously with nationalization of these lands under the state Forestry Services. In 1966 this policy, along with other measures such as the creation of new villages and partitioning of the land among commoners, led to the official disappearance of the communallands. A 1974 coup d'etat changed the political context dramatically. The new government denationalized the baldios, restored their legal status as communal property, and returned the land to the people. The Forestry Services also changed, from destroyers of communal property to defenders of communal property. Communal forestry has subsequently become a third alternative to either private or public forestry. Communal forestry developed during the renaissance of tropical forestry in the 1970s, but has received little attention in Europe and North America.' Traditionally forestry development is concerned with public or private property, even though communal land management makes other alternatives for forest development possible.'Although within Portugal there is little discussion of the commons as an alternative management system, the baldios and their forestry use employ communal management as a way of attaining an economically, socially, and ecologically desirable land use system.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121009346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"An Appalachian Forest: Creation of the Jefferson National Forest and its Effects on the Local Community","authors":"Will Sarvis","doi":"10.2307/3983555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983555","url":null,"abstract":"In 1936, amidst the Great Depression and during a dynamic period for the conservation movement in the eastern United States, the Jefferson Nat ional Forest was created in southwest Virginia. The growing conservation movement partly coincided with an industrial timber boom of the 1890s-1920s in southern Appalachia, a boom that peaked in 1909. Th is intensive logging helped inspire federal legislation aimed at protecting the landscape, particularly through watershed restoration and maintenance. In this setting, after large commercial logging operations had run their course, the Jefferson Na tional Forest (hereafter also referred to as Jefferson) interacted with local communities and economies in several important ways. The Jefferson hired local men (especially on fire fighting crews), conducted small timber sales to local loggers and other residents, and built recreational facilities that the public, especially local people, could enjoy. The recovering forest was a potent ial wildlife hab itat, and game managers restocked streams with trout and the forest with deer and turkey, helping revive local hunting and fishing traditions. Jefferson staff members worked closelyand cooperatively with various groups to establish the national forest as part of the community. Much of the early national attention to forest ry focused on the Appalachian Region. In 1891 America's first native scient ific forester, Gifford Pinchot, began work at the Biltmore estate in Asheville, North Carolina, and by 1898 headed the Division of Forestry. The Appa lachian Mounta in Club and the Na tional Academy of Sciences supported preserving Appalachian land, and in 1885 two doctors, Henry O. Marcy and Chase P. Ambler, began promot ing Appalachian forest preservation.' They helped form the Appalachian National Park Association (later the Appa lachian National Forest Reserve Association) in 1899 and advocat ed forest prese rvat ion for economic, aesthetic, and health reasons. North Caro lina Senator Jeter C. Pritchard supported their effort and persuaded Congress to get involved. By 1901 , with congressional backing, President William McKinley agreed to the need for Appalachian forest reserves. The following year Secretary of Agriculture James Wilson submitted a report concerning the Appalachian Region. Among his conclusions were that:","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"301 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114786566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Anglers, Fishers, and the St. Croix River: Conflict in a Canadian-American Borderland, 1867–1900","authors":"Neil S. Forkey","doi":"10.2307/3983556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983556","url":null,"abstract":"Sportsmen figure prominently in American conservation history. But while sportsmen and sporting activities have been centra l to discussions of the evolution of nineteenthcentury conservation law, their impact on rural destinations has not been fully investigated. This article looks at the St. Croix River Valley of New Brunswick and Maine to analyze the internationa l response to a pro blem of resource property rights and inland fishery access. The St. Croix River Valley along the Canadian-American border demonstrates the difficult ies of managing a shared environment. Author James A. Tober analyzed the character of nineteenth -century wildlife management, positing that two gro ups interacted to create the matrix in which wildlife policy was developed: one group was the often urban-based, affluent sportsmen; the other group was the rural, seasonal market-hunters.' Unlike the market-hunters, sportsmen were wellorganized, well-funded, and able to influence the legislative process. Th eir overall spending in local and state economies also translated into influence when wildlife statutes were both drafted and enforced. In the Canadian-American context of the St. Croix River Valley, three governmenta l bodies administered natural resources. Until the late 1860s the indi vidual provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Canada East and West (today Quebec and Ontario) controlled the fisheries within their borders. Although the 1867 entry of these provinces into the Canadian confedera tion brought control of their waters under federal jurisdiction, ow nership of the fish remained with the individual provinces. This meant , for example, that while New Brunswick claimed the fish caught in its waters, the Ottawa government controlled the waters where the fish were caught. This division of responsibility did not apply in the United States, where states govern ed natural resources directly, and federal law influenced decisions only indirectly. The infusion of sporting tourist capital into the St. Croix River Valley beginning in the 1860s created economic opportunities on many levels. Local merchants and hotel proprietors benefited from the increased patronage of visitors. The state and provincial treasuries of Ma ine and New Brunswick also profited by licensing sportsmen. Ho wever, not all valley residents realized an economic gain. Comm ercial fishermen who drew a seasonal income from trade in Atlant ic salmon were gradua lly edged out of operation by an amalgam of vested interests. By the early-twentieth century legislation aimed at conserving fish stocks on the St. Croix and other regional waterways pushed such fishers to the margins of local prosperity.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121130691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}