Forest and Conservation History最新文献

{"title":"Deforestation in Costa Rica: An Examination of Social and Historical Factors","authors":"Anja Nygren","doi":"10.2307/3983623","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983623","url":null,"abstract":"Costa Rica,with 2.8 millioninhabitants and 51,100 square kilometers of territory, is among the smallest countries in Central America. More than 12 percent of the country's land area has beenset aside in national parks and forest reserves, a figure that represents the highest proportion in Latin America. The United Nations' 1992 \"Conference of Environment and Development\" (UNCED) recognized Costa Rica with an international award for its conservation policies.1 Throughout the secondhalf of the twentieth century, however, CostaRica has experienced one of the world's highestrates of deforestation. In 1940 approximately75 percent of the country's total land area was forested; by 1990 the figure was 29 percent. Discounting the forested land inside national parks and forest reserves, only 5 percent of the nation's area consistsof productiveforests.' The ecological, economic, and socialconsequences of deforestationcan be dramatic, with soil erosion and increasing scarcityof timber and fuelwood negativelyaffecting the country's welfare, particularly amongtheruralpopulation. Despitea perceptionthat peasants have beenthe principal destroyers of forest resources, large-scale landowners or agriculturaland forest entrepreneurs, not rural peasants, have been primarilyresponsible for forest removal in CostaRica.' Understanding the reasons for this removal requires examining, within the context of Costa Rican society and agrarian policies,deforestationas a part of peasant production systems and agricultural history. Peasants' motives with respect to natural resource use do not necessarily fit within the common assumption that they cut forests because their land use is spontaneous and they are ignorant of the negative consequences of deforestation.\" This paper examines from an anthropologicaland socio-historical viewpointthe problem of deforestation in a Costa Rican rural region. The study area is located in the northeastern part of the Central Valley of CostaRica, in thecantonofTurrialba, about twenty kilometers from the town Turrialba. It coversthree villages: CienManzanas, Mata de Guineo, and SanJuan Bosco (see figures 1 and 2). The area, calledAlto Tuis, is located in the divide between the Reventazon and PacuareRiver basins,about eight kilometers from the main village, Tuis.' Alto Tuis encompasses 1,260 hectares and hasa population of 320people living in 75 households. Most residents are smallproducersof coffee and sugarcane; somehave dairy or beefcattle. They cultivate cassava, citrus fruits, plantain, and bananas for home consumption. A fewproduce corn and beans;most raise some poultry. The production unit and labor forceconsist principally of the family. Agricultural production has a market orientation but is primarilysubsistence level, meaning that money received through product sales is spent for subsistence. Land tenure in Alto Tuis corresponds to conditionsgenerally in Costa Rica,where 1 percent of landowners control 25 percentof the agricultural land,","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122046300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Overrun with Bushes: Frontier Land Development and the Forest History of the Holland Purchase, 1800–50","authors":"C. Brooks","doi":"10.2307/3983622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983622","url":null,"abstract":"Ecologists and environmental historians no longer accept the idea that eastern North America was covered by an ancient pristine forest at the time the European encounter with the New World began. In fact the idea that a forest system remains essentially stable and unchanged unless it is disturbed has given way to the concept of \"forest history.\"! In the words of ecologists Stephen Spurr and Burton Barnes, \"Disturbances to tree development and growth are normal, instability of the forest is inevitable, and the changeless virgin forest is a myth.\"? Ecologists have become interested in the question of how forests move through various stages of recovery after being disturbed by fire, windthrows, or other natural disasters. This new emphasis has drawn attention to the ways in which forests are changed by human activity. Even at the time the European encounter with the New World began, Native Americans already had a long history of modifying the forests where they lived, hunted, and gathered sustenance. Environmental historians and ethnohistorians have demonstrated that American Indians were not simply conservationists who lived in perfect harmony with nature. Indian people interacted with their environment, changing and altering it constantly to suit their various needs and purposes.' Euro-American colonization generated ecological consequences in seventeenthand eighteenth-century New England and the colonial South. New studies, taking a wide view of environmental change in early America, draw a sharp line between Indian and Euro-American land use and ecology. While Indians based their concepts of land and property on usufruct rights, the colonists viewed the land, including the forests that grew on it, as something that could be sold and turned to profit.' The forest history of the Holland Land Purchase in western New York during the period 1800-50 provides an example of settlers' activities on the land and their motivations for those activities. The ecological effects of frontier settlement and land development for this particular landscape are well documented, especially considering that the time period is one that ecologists and forestry experts have generally known little about. It is an important region because change in these forests occurred during a time of sweeping social and economic transformation that historians have begun to call a Market Revolution.' Examining these forests at this crucial period of time should help illuminate the ecologicaldynamicsof new land and market development in frontier America. The extensive forests that covered the Holland Land Purchase in western New York constituted the most conspicuous feature of the pre-White settlement landscape. The best evidence about the pre-settlement forest comes from the Holland Land Company's original survey records. The Holland Land Company was a private land development corporation that brought together the financial resources of several Dutch banking houses. In 1792 this consort","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133381821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Realization of a Dream: Charles H. Herty and the South's First Newsprint Mill","authors":"G. Reed","doi":"10.2307/3983621","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983621","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126826207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Forest Conservancy in the Alps of Dauphiné, 1287–1870","authors":"J. Freeman","doi":"10.2307/3983603","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983603","url":null,"abstract":"Nowhere is the story of the use and abuse of Frenchforests more evidentthan in the mountainous, semiarid region of southeast France longknownasUpper Dauphine and today called the department of Hautes-Alpes.' Although the French governmentdid not successfully institute conservation practicesnationwide until the 1850s, two monasticcommunitiesin UpperDauphine had practiced forest conservation to the economic benefit of their communityfor seven centuries prior to that, not in a scientific or technical sense, but based on accumulated experience in dealing with the ravages of deforestation. Still, it took neighboring communities centuries to adopt practices that were in their own besteconomicinterest. A legal and institutionalanalysis alone does not fully reveal the reasons that neighboring communities did not adopt theseconservation practices, nor does it explain the history of French forest conservancy. Instead, approaching this history from the viewpointof rural mentalitycan help elucidatethe reasonsover time for changingFrenchattitudes toward the forests.' This essay traces those attitudes through the localhistory of Upper Dauphine.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"34 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120932245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Fuelwood in Colonial Brazil: The Economk and Social Consequences of Fuel Depletion for the Bahian Recôntavo, 1549–1820","authors":"S. Miller","doi":"10.2307/3983604","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983604","url":null,"abstract":"Among the various tasks that constituted the daily routine of Brazil's sugar economy, collecting fuel from the colony's plentiful forests was among the most extensive. In addition to preparing land for planting, cutting cane at harvest, and refining it at the mill, African slaves through four centuries had the additional burden of gathering the crucial energy source that fuelled the sugar mill. This article is in part a study of that resource's depletion and of sugar production's detrimental effect on Brazil's Atlantic forest. But it is more immediately an examination of the impact that the forest's retreat had on the fortunes of the colonial capital, Bahia, located in northeastern Brazil.' Fuel's increasing scarcity increased labor and capital costs related to fuel supply, exacerbated elite social conflict, multiplied petitions to the Crown, and eventually dictated the adoption of more efficient firing technology. Moreover, activities that vied with the sugar mill's furnaces for fuel contributed to the contest, in which all colonists participated, for one crucial natural resource: wood.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132307022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From Laissez-faire to Scientific Forestry: Forest Management in Early Colonial Burma, 1826–85","authors":"R. Bryant","doi":"10.2307/3983602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983602","url":null,"abstract":"In the sixty-year period between 1826 and 1885, a crucial shift from laissez-faire practices to scientific forestry occurred in colonial Burma. This shift shaped subsequent patterns of state control and popular resistance. When the British annexed the Burmese province of Tenasserim following the first Anglo-Burmese war (1824-26), the state's role in regulating forest use was unclear. If contemporary deforestation in the Malabar teak forests of southern India vividly illustrated the perils of unfettered private extraction, prevailing social and economic beliefs and lobbying by Calcutta timber merchants ensured that the state would sanction similar extraction in Tenasserim. Yet the result-widespread overharvesting-led to growing criticism of laissez-faire practices. In an altered imperial context, such criticism prompted creation of the Burma Forest Department in 1856. Gradual assertion of state forest control marked the final thirty years of this period as forest management was adapted along scientific lines. The transition from Iaissez-faire to scientific forestry in colonial Burma was important both for state and society. Imposition of state forest control after 1856 transformed the nature of forest conflict as diverse users, including the colonial state, contested the forest resource.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127347632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Agroforestry Systems for Temperate Climates: Lessons from Roman Italy","authors":"Mark A. Lelle, M. Gold","doi":"10.2307/3983919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983919","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114202727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Resiliency and Recovery: A Brief History of Conditions and Trends in U.S. Forests","authors":"D. MacCleery","doi":"10.2307/3983921","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983921","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125974442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From Dude Ranches to Haciendas: Master Planning at Big Bend National Park, Texas","authors":"John R. Jameson","doi":"10.2307/3983918","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983918","url":null,"abstract":"In fall 1934, almost a year before Congress passed Big Bend National Park's enabling legislation, Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes received an unusual letter from Albert W. Dorgan, a World War I aviator and unemployed landscape architect in Castolon, Texas. Dorgan asked Ickes for a job assisting in the planning and development of an international park that Dorgan proposed the federal government establish at Big Bend. He enclosed with his resume detailed plans for the park. Dorgan envisioned an \"International Peace Park\" where each nation in the Western Hemisphere would offer crafts demonstrations, permanent and changing exhibits, and performances of art, music, literature, folklore, and history. Each country would have approximately fifty acres for displays housed in structures reflecting its distinct architectural style. Dorgan's vision also included museums, replicas of frontier towns, and health resorts in the mountains and on the shores of artificial lakes. According to Dorgan, these lakes would be created by dams \"planned in such a manner that the natural beauty of the canyons would not be marred.\" 1 Park personnel would be of the highest caliber: cleancut high school and college students who passed a rigorous screening test. Dorgan also listed ideas that would help overcome Big Bend's geographical isolation. Airplane landing fields would allow affluent guests easy access to the desert park while providing them an opportunity to see Big Bend's scenery from the air. Since most visitors would arrive by automobile, Dorgan's grandest scheme involved a \"Super-Scenic Highway\" or \"Highway Americana\" winding from Alaska through the Big Bend and ending at Argentina's southernmost tip. As an added benefit, if diplomacy soured among countries along the route, Dorgan noted that the highway could be used as a \"military road\" by which the United States could send armies and \" 'I bd M . \"2 weapons to east y su ue eXlCO. Albert Dorgan was a man ahead of his time. His plans foreshadowed late-twentieth-centuryamusement parks and the interstate highway system. It may be difficult to imagine one of America's scenic national parks with frontier towns, dams, reservoirs, airfields, and extensive development, but Dorgan's dreams for Big Bend were prophetic. AModel Master Plan","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"149 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116965670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Salt Brine and Stinkers: The Eddy Family in the Forest Products Industries of Nineteenth-Century Michigan and Quebec","authors":"William R. Sherrard","doi":"10.2307/3983920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983920","url":null,"abstract":"In the first half of the nineteenth centurythe United Stateseconomy was breakingout of its colonial restraints. In the lumber industry this changewas most visibly geographic: by 1850 the success of lumber operations in Maine had peaked and mills were springing up in Michigan's Saginaw Valley as the industry moved west. Family-run firms following the supplyof raw materials tended to migrate, financing the movewith wealth accumulated from businesses that operated betweenthe time of the American Revolution and 1850. Two branches of the Eddyfamily followed the lumber industry's migration to Michigan,where they established sawmills and salt manufacturing in Bay City and Saginaw. Another branch of the family moved north to Hull, a small town in Quebec,where they established a factory for producing matches. The story of thesecompaniesis part business history-the technological and market development of salt manufacturingand match production-and part family history-the role playedby Eddy businessmen in developing the industries.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125576414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}