{"title":"Ideological changes and pragmatism in the Pacific Alliance","authors":"Oscar Vidarte Arévalo, Mayte Díaz Quichua","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12287","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12287","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Since its creation a decade ago, the Pacific Alliance has established itself as one of the most important regional blocs in Latin America. Its free-market orientation, clearly neoliberal, and its pragmatic decision-making strategy have been highlighted as its main strengths. This article will demonstrate that, despite the ideological changes that have taken place in its members, the Alliance will continue to be an important tool in these members' respective foreign policies. Precisely because of its pragmatism, the coming to power in Peru and Chile of governments critical of neoliberalism did not affect the development of the Pacific Alliance. Likewise, the political changes that have occurred more recently in Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru do not seem to imply a weakening of the of it. By contrast, following its pragmatic profile, the new ideological framework prevailing in the Alliance could serve to face the difficult situation and advance in bloc's process of deep integration.</p><p>Desde su creación hace una década, la Alianza del Pacífico se ha establecido como uno de los bloques regionales más significativos de América Latina. Su orientación de libre mercado, notablemente neoliberal, y su estrategia pragmática de toma de decisiones destacan como sus principales puntos fuertes. Este artículo demuestra que, a pesar de los cambios ideológicos que se han dado entre sus miembros, la Alianza continuará como una herramienta importante en la respectiva política exterior de estos miembros. Debido precisamente a su pragmatismo, la llegada al poder en Perú y Chile de gobiernos críticos del neoliberalismo no afectaron el desarrollo de la Alianza del Pacífico. De la misma manera, los cambios de política que se han dado en fechas más recientes en Chile, Colombia, México y Perú no parecieran implicar su debilitamiento. Al contrario, según su perfil pragmático, el nuevo marco ideológico que prevalece en la Alianza serviría para enfrentar la situación compleja por la que atraviesa y para avanzar en el proceso de integración profunda del bloque.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"184-203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48950509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Becoming a quarterly journal","authors":"Isidro Morales","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12293","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12293","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49625521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Geopolitics of the Li-ion battery value chain and the Lithium Triangle in South America","authors":"Maria Daniela Sanchez-Lopez","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12285","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12285","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Climate change and the low-carbon transition are drastically changing the energy paradigm. A critical aspect is the burgeoning demand for lithium-ion batteries and the massive amount of minerals and metals that will be required to create them. How and where these resources will be extracted, transformed, and manufactured, involve contested geopolitical interests that are currently reshaping the global energy map. This article explores the geopolitical relations and interdependencies emerging in the lithium extraction and manufacturing of lithium-ion batteries. It discusses the characteristics of the lithium-ion battery supply value chain to argue that lithium is not just a strategic resource. It has become a material that is part of a much larger geopolitical energy transformation, with China emerging as the primary global force in terms of technology and battery manufacturing. The article then analyzes the governance frameworks of the South American salt flats of Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina, which show a heterogeneous panorama in terms of economic structures and business strategies. Both condition new forms of interdependencies with China in terms of business networks and market access.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"22-45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lamp.12285","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46694607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The private sector's role in and contribution to the Pacific Alliance, 2012–2021","authors":"R. Giacalone","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12283","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64404891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The private sector's role in and contribution to the Pacific Alliance, 2012–2021","authors":"Rita Giacalone","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12283","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Pacific Alliance deviates from other Latin American integration agreements due to its close association between governments and the private sector. Analysts have assessed the agreement as a pragmatic experience of regional integration to facilitate the free movement of production factors, a “tail moves dog” project, or an example of deep integration to diffuse liberal normative principles. This article analyzes the Pacific Alliance Business Council discourse to identify how the private sector perceives its role in the agreement and expresses it in the group's external negotiations, for example, Pacific Alliance–Mercosur, before contrasting its self-defined role with those assumed by interpretations in the literature. We argue that the private sector sees its role as multifaceted, and this self-perception escapes the limits of normative deep integration notions, allowing business to adapt to changes in internal and external factors. Business self-perception contributes to enhance Pacific Alliance pragmatism and the application of an inductive micro-negotiation methodology, but transversality may also influence the Business Council to support normative issues.</p><p>La Alianza del Pacifico se diferencia de otros acuerdos de integración regional latinoamericana porque desde el principio otorgó un rol importante al sector privado. Esto ha llevado a que prevalezcan en la literatura tres interpretaciones del acuerdo—una experiencia pragmática de integración para facilitar el libre movimiento de los factores de producción, un proyecto dominado por el sector privado, o un intento por difundir principios normativos de liberalismo económico. Este artículo analiza el discurso del Consejo Empresarial de la Alianza del Pacífico para identificar cómo percibe su rol y lo expresa en su participación en las relaciones externas del grupo (por ejemplo, con Mercosur), antes de contrastarlo con interpretaciones en la literatura. Encontramos que ese rol es multifacético, evade los límites de la interpretación del acuerdo regional como un intento de difundir normativas neoliberales y permite a los empresarios adaptarse a cambios en factores internos y externos. De esta forma, refuerza el pragmatismo y conduce a aplicar una metodología inductiva de micro negociación, pero la transversalidad del Consejo puede influir para que los empresarios apoyen cuestiones normativas.</p><p>由于政府和私营部门之间的密切联系,太平洋联盟不同于其他拉美一体化协议。分析人士将该协议评估为一次用于促进生产要素自由流动的区域一体化务实经验、一项“局部牵动全身”项目、或一个用于传播自由规范原则的深度一体化范例。本文分析了太平洋联盟商业委员会话语,以确定私营部门如何看待其在协议中的作用,并在集团的外部谈判(例如太平洋联盟 - 南方共同市场)中表达这一作用。本文随后将这一自定义角色与文献中所假设的作用进行对比。我们论证认为,私营部门认为其作用是多方面的,这种自我感知摆脱了规范性深度一体化概念的限制,使企业能够适应内外部因素的变化。商业自我感知有助于加强太平洋联盟的实用主义和归纳微观协商方法的应用,但横向性(transversality)也可能影响商业委员会,使其支持规范性问题。</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"109-124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50140831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Introduction: The Pacific Alliance—Deep integration, marketing, achievements, and failures","authors":"José Briceño-Ruiz","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12292","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12292","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"69-73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42274281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Regiane Nitsch Bressan, Julia de Souza Borba Gonçalves
{"title":"The convergence between the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur: Advances, stagnation, and contemporary challenges","authors":"Regiane Nitsch Bressan, Julia de Souza Borba Gonçalves","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12291","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12291","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article investigates the relational dynamics between the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur from 2011 to 2022. It seeks to understand the moments of advancement and retraction of both regional processes by discussing the current situation and the prospects for strengthening the convergence between them. The study is based on data analysis—documents, reports, news, and institutional archives—that highlight how the negotiations between Mercosur and the Pacific Alliance were conducted. A literature review complements the analysis by reinforcing the concepts applied in this study to support the research hypothesis—that initial competition between the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur was overcome by efforts to manage the differences between them, which culminated in an ongoing dialog between the blocs. Still, the endogenous problems of Latin American integration processes and ideological differences between the national governments have resulted in challenges for the advancement of a convergence and the establishment of common trade policies. To overcome such differences, it is essential to reach cooperation agreements that transcend the elimination of tariffs between the two regional projects. The first steps toward restoring the convergence agenda require political willingness to overcome ideological differences, as well as clear interest and engagement from the economic elites.</p><p>La investigación explora la convergencia entre la Alianza del Pacífico y el Mercosur entre el período de 2011 a 2022. El análisis busca comprender momentos de avance y retroceso entre los dos procesos regionales, discutiendo la situación actual y las perspectivas para fortalecer la convergencia entre ellos. El estudio se basa en el análisis de datos: documentos, informes, noticias y archivos institucionales que destacan cómo se llevaron a cabo las negociaciones entre el Mercosur y la Alianza del Pacífico. La revisión bibliográfica complementa el análisis, reforzando los conceptos para la discusión y sustentación de la hipótesis de investigación, a saber: en principio hubo competencia entre la Alianza del Pacífico y el Mercosur, pero este escenario fue superado por esfuerzos de convergencia en la diversidad, culminando en un diálogo permanente entre ambos. Sin embargo, los problemas endógenos a la integración latinoamericana, sumados a las diferencias ideológicas entre los gobiernos nacionales, se han traducido en desafíos para el avance de una convergencia y el establecimiento de políticas comerciales comunes. Para superar tales divergencias, sería fundamental construir acuerdos con sinergia, más allá de la eliminación de aranceles entre los dos proyectos regionales. La voluntad política y la superación de las diferencias ideológicas, junto al involucramiento e interés de las élites económicas constituyen el primer paso hacia una convergencia efectiva entre la Alianza del Pacífico y el Mercosur.</p><p>本文研究了2011年至2022年太平洋联盟和南方共同市场之间的关系动态。通过探讨太平洋联盟和南方共同市场的当前形势和用于加强二者融合的前","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"167-183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42610975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Pacific Alliance and its influence on South American regionalism","authors":"Julia de Souza Borba Gonçalves","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12289","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12289","url":null,"abstract":"<p>When the Pacific Alliance was created in 2011, its proposal to reestablish open regionalism led to a debate on the fragmentation of regional integration and the Atlantic–Pacific divide. A decade later, Latin American regionalism is under stress, but the Pacific Alliance is not. Moreover, regionalism in South America displays features that are observed in the Pacific Alliance. From a constructivist framework, this article analyzes how the ideas from the Pacific Alliance shaped the early development of Prosur, highlighting the role of Chile, Colombia, and Peru in influencing South American regionalism. This article aims to contribute to debates on the future of Latin American regionalism by stressing how the Pacific Alliance influences regionalism, dispelling the idea that it is a mere trade bloc, and showing how it consolidates the Bogotá–Lima-Santiago axis in South American regionalism. It sheds light on the relevance of this regional bloc in political terms and on the agency capacity (achievements and limits) of Colombia, Peru, and Chile in setting a regional agenda.</p><p>Cuando la Alianza del Pacífico se creó en 2011, su propuesta de restablecer el regionalismo abierto suscitó un debate sobre la fragmentación de la integración regional y la división Atlántico–Pacífico. Una década después, el regionalismo latinoamericano está en tensión, pero la Alianza del Pacífico no. Además, en la actualidad el regionalismo en Sudamérica presenta características que también se observan en la Alianza del Pacífico. Desde un marco constructivista, este artículo analiza cómo las ideas de la Alianza del Pacífico moldearon el desarrollo temprano de Prosur, destacando el rol de Chile, Colombia y Perú en influenciar el regionalismo sudamericano. Este artículo pretende contribuir a los debates sobre el futuro del regionalismo latinoamericano, al destacar la influencia de la Alianza del Pacífico en el regionalismo, disipar la idea de que es un mero bloque comercial, y mostrar la consolidación del eje Bogotá–Lima–Santiago en el regionalismo sudamericano. Se destaca la relevancia de este bloque regional en términos políticos y la capacidad de agencia (logros y límites) de Colombia, Perú y Chile para establecer una agenda regional.</p><p>2011年太平洋联盟成立时,其关于重建开放区域主义的提议引发了一场关于区域一体化分裂和大西洋-太平洋鸿沟的辩论。十年后,拉美区域主义面临压力,但太平洋联盟却没有。此外,南美区域主义所表现的特征也出现在太平洋联盟中。本文以建构主义框架为视角,分析了太平洋联盟的思想如何影响南美洲进步与发展论坛(Prosur)的早期发展,强调了智利、哥伦比亚和秘鲁在影响南美区域主义方面的作用。本文通过强调太平洋联盟如何影响区域主义、打破其仅仅是一个贸易集团的想法、以及表明其如何巩固南美区域主义中圣地亚哥-波哥大-利马这一轴心联盟,旨在促进关于拉丁美洲区域主义未来的辩论。本文阐明了该区域集团在政治方面的相关性以及智利、哥伦比亚和秘鲁在制定区域议程方面的代理能力(即成就和限制)。</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"147-166"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47501247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Institutional pragmatism of the Pacific Alliance: Does it favor a deep integration?","authors":"Eric Tremolada Álvarez","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12288","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12288","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article aims to establish whether the Pacific Alliance truly configures a pragmatic regionalization scheme in Latin America. It approaches the study of its Constitutive Treaty to interpret its provisions—in light of the economic and legal theories of integration—and addresses its developments, so we can consider if the member countries intend willfully to achieve a deep integration or if these plans are merely baseless statements. We analyze the ostentatious challenges imposed by the preamble and its attractive—or perhaps wishful—objectives. Then, we verify or question the institutional framework to determine if it is strong enough. Finally, we consider if the Alliance has legal personality as an international organization. The inevitable conclusion is that, despite the noble and lofty objectives laid out in the Constitutive Treaty of the Pacific Alliance, its member countries have made little to no effort to materialize them with each other or in their relationships with third-party countries—observer countries and those located in the Asia-Pacific region.</p><p>Este artículo tiene como fin establecer si la Alianza del Pacífico puede configurarse verdaderamente como un esquema de regionalización pragmático en América Latina. Se estudia el Tratado Constitutivo interpretando sus previsiones—a la luz de las teorías económicas y jurídicas de la integración—contrastándolo con sus realizaciones, para poder considerar si los países miembros tuvieron una verdadera intención de alcanzar una integración profunda o si estos objetivos quedaron únicamente como intenciones sin desarrollo. Analizamos los grandes retos que imponen tanto el preámbulo como sus objetivos bastante atractivos—o quizás un poco ilusorios—. También se verifica o cuestiona si el marco institucional es lo suficientemente fuerte. Por último, pasamos a verificar si la Alianza goza de una personalidad jurídica como una organización internacional. La inevitable conclusión es que, a pesar de los grandes y ambiciosos objetivos establecidos en el Tratado Constitutivo de la Alianza del Pacífico, sus países miembros no han hecho mayor esfuerzo para materializarlos entre ellos y en sus relaciones con terceros países—países observadores y aquellos ubicados en la región Asia-Pacífico.</p><p>本文旨在确定太平洋联盟是否在拉丁美洲真正配置了务实的区域化方案。本文研究了该联盟《组织条约》以解释其条款——根据一体化的经济理论和法律理论——并研究了联盟发展,因此考量成员国是否有意实现深度一体化,或者这些计划是否只是毫无根据的论断。我们分析了序言所推行的引人注目的挑战,及其具有吸引力的(或者可能是一厢情愿的)目标。我们随后验证或质疑制度框架,以确定该框架是否足够稳健。最后,我们考量联盟是否具有作为国际组织的法人资格。不可避免的结论是,尽管《太平洋联盟组织条约》规定了崇高的目标,但其成员国无论是在国内或与第三方国家(即观察国和那些位于亚太地区的国家)的关系中几乎都没有付诸努力来实现这些目标。</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"74-90"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43642391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Co-optation without representation: The relationship between the Bolivian state and the indigenous organization CONAMAQ","authors":"Pavlína Springerová, Barbora Vališková","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12286","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The goal of this article is to examine the process of institutionalization of the Bolivian indigenous organization National Council of Ayllus and Markas of Qullasuyu from its birth until 2019, and its consequences on the dynamics of organization. This organization, as one of the key indigenous representatives in Bolivia, went through its internal crisis under the second Movement for Socialism government led by the president of indigenous origin Evo Morales Ayma. The division and demobilization of the organization in this crisis seems paradoxical considering Morales’ indigenous origin and the anticolonial programmatic agenda that resulted in increasing numbers of indigenous people in state power structures. This paradox of organization crisis in times of indigenous rule and increasing indigenous political representation will be explored by means of process tracing method, to explain the relationship between institutionalization of the organization and its dynamics. For that purpose, the differentiation between institutionalization (substantive representation) and co-optation (descriptive representation) will be made to reveal if the demobilization of the National Council organization stems from the perceived effectiveness of institutional ways of representation in the sense of satisfying the organization's demands or was caused by state actors’ strategies to mitigate its challengers through co-optation and patronage.</p><p>El objetivo de este artículo es examinar el proceso de institucionalización de la organización indígena boliviana CONAMAQ desde su nacimiento hasta 2019, y sus consecuencias en la dinámica de la organización. CONAMAQ, como el clave representante de los indígenas en Bolivia, pasó por su crisis interna bajo el segundo gobierno masista (Movimiento al Socialismo) liderado por el presidente de origen indígena Evo Morales Ayma. Su crisis, reflejada en la división y desmovilización de la organización, parece paradójica considerando el origen de Morales, así como su agenda programática anticolonial que resultó en el creciente número de representantes indígenas en las estructuras estatales de poder. Esta paradoja de la crisis de organización en tiempos de gobierno indígena y creciente representación política de los pueblos indígenas será explorada mediante el método de “process tracing”, con el objetivo de explicar la relación entre institucionalización de la organización y su dinámica. Con este propósito la institucionalización (representación substantiva) será distinguida de la cooptación (representación descriptiva) para revelar si la desmovilización del CONAMAQ surge de la efectividad de las vías institucionales de representación, en el sentido del cumplimiento de las demandas del CONAMAQ, o es causada por las estrategias de los actores estatales para apaciguar sus desafiadores mediante cooptación y patronaje.</p><p>本文旨在分析玻利维亚土著组织(CONAMAQ)从诞生到2019年的制度化进程,及其对组织动态的影响。该组织作为玻利维亚主要的土著代表之一,在土著总统埃沃·莫拉莱斯·艾玛领导的第二次社会主义政府运动中经历了内部危机。考虑到莫拉莱斯的土","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"46-68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50145551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}