Latin American Policy最新文献

{"title":"Bridges that bind worlds: The emergence of diplomacy from below between Chiapas and Italy (1996–2001)","authors":"Dario Ghilarducci, Giacomo Finzi","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12306","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12306","url":null,"abstract":"Following the 2021 Zapatista tour in Europe, this article offers a reconstruction of the genealogy of the practice of diplomacy from below, based on the meeting between the Italian post‐autonomous collectives and the Zapatista rebel communities of the state of Chiapas in southern Mexico, and sets out its continuity after more than two decades. The research hypothesis is that this practice was born as a joint political construction thanks to the collaboration between two collective political subjects, organized and structured in their respective territories as constituent expressions of counterpower and in opposition to the hegemonic neoliberal model. How these collective actors relate to each other demonstrates the existence of two different political identities and cultures that, in the reciprocal encounter, recognize and feed each other—changing, hybridizing and, finally, strengthening each other.","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 3","pages":"347-365"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46477452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The “endless” first days of the third Lula government","authors":"Leticia Pinheiro, Monica Herz","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12301","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12301","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 2","pages":"316-324"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42131347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"National-level policies in Latin American countries tie into region-wide analyses","authors":"Isidro Morales","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12300","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12300","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 2","pages":"216"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45674934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bolsonaro's government and the dismantling of the participative institutions in environmental policy","authors":"Carlos Alberto Seifert Jr.,&nbsp;Guilherme de Queiroz-Stein,&nbsp;Alfredo Alejandro Gugliano","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12296","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12296","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In 2018, Jair Bolsonaro won the Brazilian presidential election with the political support of conservative groups and large business groups that aimed to intensify a neo-extractivist model of economic growth, leading to severe environmental damage. This article analyzes the first years of this government to understand how conservative neo-populism associates economic growth strategies with brusque changes regarding the environment. We have identified the main measures adopted in the environmental arena, observing changes in the legislation, management bodies, and spaces available for civil society participation. This analysis demonstrates how Bolsonaro's government destroyed the institutional bases established during Brazilian redemocratization to intensify the neo-extractivism model and gratify its supporters. Furthermore, we discuss how this dismantling of environmental governance implies grave consequences for the ecosystems, indigenous people, and other traditional populations.</p><p>2018年，雅伊尔·博索纳罗在保守派团体和大型商业集团的政治支持下赢得了巴西总统大选，这些集团旨在强化一种关于经济增长的新采掘主义，后者会导致严重的环境破坏。本文分析了该政府的前几年，以理解保守的新民粹主义如何将经济增长战略与粗暴的环境变化相联系。我们识别了环境领域中采取的主要措施，观察了“立法、管理机构和公民社会参与空间”的变化。该分析证明了博索纳罗政府如何摧毁巴西重新民主化期间建立的制度基础，以强化新采掘主义模式并取悦其支持者。此外，我们还探讨了环境治理的瓦解如何对生态系统、土著人民和其他传统人口造成严重后果。</p><p>En 2018, Jair Bolsonaro ganó las elecciones presidenciales brasileñas con el apoyo político de grupos conservadores y grandes grupos empresariales que pretendían intensificar un modelo neoextractivista de crecimiento económico, lo que provocó graves daños ambientales. Este artículo analiza los primeros años de este gobierno para entender cómo el neopopulismo conservador asocia estrategias de crecimiento económico con cambios bruscos en relación con el medio ambiente. Hemos identificado las principales medidas adoptadas en el área ambiental, observando cambios en la legislación, órganos de gestión y espacios disponibles para la participación de la sociedad civil. Este análisis demuestra cómo el gobierno de Bolsonaro destruyó las bases institucionales, establecidas durante la redemocratización brasileña, para intensificar el modelo neoextractivista y gratificar a sus partidarios. Además, discutimos cómo este desmantelamiento de la gobernanza ambiental implica graves consecuencias para los ecosistemas, los pueblos indígenas y otras poblaciones tradicionales.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 2","pages":"298-315"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42021685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Can I borrow this? Policy transfer from Chile to Paraguay in the wave of diffusion of Conditional Cash Transfer programs in Latin America","authors":"Cecilia Osorio Gonnet,&nbsp;Daniela Castillo Rodríguez","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12298","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12298","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article discusses the transfer process of the psychosocial support component of the Chile Solidario program to the Tekoporã program in Paraguay, which occurs within the diffusion wave of Conditional Cash Transfer programs in Latin America. Applying the process-tracing method, we unpack the transfer mechanism in a temporal sequence of events and identify the actors involved and their motivations and capacities. The findings indicate the development of a mechanism of emulation due to the weak institutional capacities present in Paraguay's social protection system. The case study contributes to the understanding of transfer processes in the Global South and enriches the literature on the transfer and diffusion of policies in Latin America, and the link between the two processes.</p><p>本文探讨了“智利团结计划”的一项组成部分（即社会心理支持）向“巴拉圭健康计划”的转移过程，此举发生在拉丁美洲有条件现金转移支付计划的扩散过程中。应用过程追踪方法，我们将转移机制分解为一系列事件的时间序列，并确定所涉及的行动者及其动机和能力。研究结果表明，由于巴拉圭社会保护系统的制度能力薄弱，因此形成了一种效仿机制。该案例研究为理解全球南方的政策转移过程一事作贡献，并丰富了关于“拉丁美洲政策转移和扩散以及这两个过程的联系”的文献。</p><p>Este artículo aborda el proceso de transferencia del componente de apoyo psicosocial del programa Chile Solidario al programa Tekoporã de Paraguay, el que ocurre dentro de la ola de difusión de los programas de Transferencias Monetarias Condicionadas en América Latina. Al aplicar el método de rastreo de procesos, descomponemos el mecanismo de transferencia en una secuencia temporal de eventos e identificamos los actores involucrados, así como sus motivaciones y capacidades. Los hallazgos indican el desarrollo de un mecanismo de emulación debido a las débiles capacidades institucionales presentes en el sistema de protección social de Paraguay. El estudio de caso contribuye a la comprensión de los procesos de transferencia en el Sur Global y enriquece la literatura sobre transferencia y difusión de políticas en América Latina, y el vínculo entre ambos procesos.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 2","pages":"280-297"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41970888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Government performance, political trust, and satisfaction with democracy in Venezuela, 2016–2017","authors":"Antonella Watson,&nbsp;Margarida Soares Rodrigues,&nbsp;Juheon Lee","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12299","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12299","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Since 2015, Venezuela has been home to numerous protests, instigated mostly by people's discontent with the government and its public services. Despite the seriousness of these protests, limited studies have examined the Venezuelans’ evaluation of their government and democracy, and only a few of these studies have used quantitative analysis. To fill this gap, this article offers a snapshot of the ongoing crisis using the Americas Barometer survey data collected between 2016 and 2017. We first identified Venezuelans’ three main concerns during this time—shortage of food and necessities, economic crisis, and crime—and examined their relationships with the respondents’ trust in government and satisfaction with democracy. We found that shortages of food and necessities and increasing crime were negatively associated with Venezuelans’ trust in their government (although shortages were a more significant factor than crime). The long-standing problem of economic crisis was not a significant factor in people's trust in the government. Furthermore, these three factors were not directly linked to Venezuelans’ satisfaction with democracy, but people who showed low levels of trust in government tended to have low satisfaction levels with Venezuelan democracy. Our results invite future studies to compare different times and contexts in Venezuela's ever-changing political landscape.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 2","pages":"267-279"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45083786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Business as usual? Donald Trump and US hegemony through the lens of dollar diplomacy in Argentina","authors":"Jude Rowley","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12297","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12297","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Trump presidency was an unwavering source of controversy and attention for four years; it can now be evaluated for its legacy. This article assesses the Trumpian contribution to US foreign policy, turning to the case study of US policy toward Argentina. Situating it in the wider historical context of traditional US “dollar diplomacy,” it argues that, despite warnings from the US foreign policy elite, Trump has not weakened US hegemony in Latin America, but conversely, has acted as an indicator of its strength. We contextualize Trump's influence on US hegemony by suggesting that the occupant of the White House had less of an effect on transforming the broader contours of US foreign policy than the deep-rooted structural factors shaping it. By viewing US hegemony as a complex adaptive system, able to absorb changes such as the shift from Obama to Trump, it is possible to reconceptualize the way foreign policy is understood and evaluated in both the Latin American and the global context.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 2","pages":"217-230"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lamp.12297","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45929978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Agrarian extractivism: Addressing actors and their agency at the national level","authors":"Rita Giacalone","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12295","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12295","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;The literature on the transformation of Latin American agrarian productive and trade patterns (1990s to 2010s) tends to overemphasize traits of the agrarian extractivism concept, such as intensive mono-production for exportation, sectoral disarticulation, concentration of benefits and power outside the producing nation, and degradation of environmental and labor conditions. At the same time, an analysis of the experiences of the Argentine and Brazilian soy chains shows that they include characteristics that the literature does not usually incorporate. After reviewing the literature and two case studies, we discuss the need to incorporate the agency of national state and nonstate actors into the analysis of agrarian extractivism. We argue that addressing this level and these actors' agency is necessary to understand the potential link between agrarian extractivism and economic development in Latin America. Empirical research relies on publications based on fieldwork and statistics. This article theorizes that agrarian systems are made up of chains whose links specialize in different distinct functions, and their actors' economic behavior is determined by their decision-making (agency) capacity and rational choice. Power in chains is relational and mutates over time and according to changes in context, so this configuration opens the possibility of fostering economic development options through national actors and justifies their inclusion in the analysis of agrarian extractivism.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;关于拉丁美洲农业生产和贸易模式转型（1990年代至2010年代）的文献往往过分强调农业采掘主义概念的特征，例如用于出口的密集型单一生产、部门分离、利益和权力集中在生产国之外、以及环境和劳动条件的恶化。同时，关于阿根廷和巴西大豆（生产）链经验的分析表明，其具有文献中通常不包含的特征。通过文献综述和两个案例研究，我们探讨了“将国家和非国家行动者的能力纳入农业采掘主义分析”一事的必要性。我们论证认为，研究这一层面和这些行动者的能力对于理解拉丁美洲农业采掘主义与经济发展之间的潜在联系而言是必要的。实证研究使用了基于实地调查和统计数据的出版物。本文认为，农业系统由不同链组成，其不同环节负责不同的职能，其行动者的经济行为取决于他们的决策能力和理性选择。不同链的权力具有相关性，并且会随着时间和情境的变化而转变，因此这种配置提供了通过国家行动者促进经济发展选项的可能性，并证明将国家行动者纳入农业采掘主义分析是合理的。&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;La literatura sobre la transformación de la estructura productiva y comercial agraria latinoamericana entre 1990 y 2010 suele ser dominada por interpretaciones que enfatizan rasgos del concepto de extractivismo agrario (monoproducción intensiva para la exportación, desarticulación sectorial, concentración de beneficios y poder fuera de la nación productora y degradación ambiental y de condiciones laborales). Sin embargo, un análisis de las experiencias de la cadena de la soya en Argentina y Brasil muestra características que esa literatura no incorpora. Este articulo revisa la literatura y los dos estudios de caso y plantea la necesidad de incorporar la agencia de actores nacionales estatales y no estatales al análisis para comprender los vínculos potenciales entre extractivismo agrario y desarrollo económico en América Latina. El estudio empírico se apoya en estadísticas e investigaciones publicadas basadas en trabajo de campo. Las premisas teóricas son: el sistema agrario está constituido por cadenas cuyos eslabones se especializan en distintas tareas; el ","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 2","pages":"231-251"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43269187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Rural higher education in Colombia: An analysis of public policy evolution","authors":"Alfredo Guzmán Rincón,&nbsp;Sandra Barragán,&nbsp;Favio Cala-Vitery","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12294","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12294","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Education can be seen as a driver for social development because people with a higher level of education can access a better income and a better quality of life. The Colombian state has proclaimed various public policies that guarantee this right, especially for rural populations that face more disparities resulting from the internal armed conflict and drug trafficking, among other issues. The purpose of this article is to describe the evolution of public policies for access to rural higher education in Colombia, as well as the starting point of the policies implemented. An interpretative method was adopted to consider the purpose of public policies from various perspectives. The results show that education can be perceived as one of the ways in which states can overcome social disparities in rural areas, which would mean different public policies for access, permanence, and timely graduation to higher education.</p><p>教育能被视为社会发展的驱动力，因为受教育程度更高的人可以获得更好的收入和更好的生活质量。哥伦比亚政府宣布了不同的公共政策来保障这项权利，特别是针对因国内武装冲突和贩毒等问题而面临更多不平等的农村人口。本文旨在描述用于获取哥伦比亚农村高等教育的公共政策的演变，以及政策实施的起点。采用一项诠释性方法，从不同角度考量公共政策的目的。结果表明，教育可被视为各州克服农村地区社会不平等的方式之一，这意味着在高等教育的获取、持续教育和及时毕业方面存在不同的公共政策。</p><p>La educación puede ser vista como un motor de desarrollo social porque las personas con un mayor nivel educativo pueden acceder a mejores ingresos y a una mejor calidad de vida. El Estado colombiano ha proclamado diversas políticas públicas que garantizan este derecho, especialmente para las poblaciones rurales que enfrentan mayores disparidades producto del conflicto armado interno y el narcotráfico, entre otros. El propósito de este artículo es describir la evolución de las políticas públicas de acceso a la educación superior rural en Colombia, así como el punto de partida de las políticas implementadas. Se adoptó un método interpretativo para considerar el propósito de las políticas públicas desde diversas perspectivas. Los resultados muestran que la educación puede ser percibida como una de las formas en que los Estados pueden superar las disparidades sociales en las zonas rurales, lo que implicaría diferentes políticas públicas de acceso, permanencia y graduación oportuna a la educación superior.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 2","pages":"252-266"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48134214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Transnationalism: The fifth element of the Pacific Alliance's deep integration process","authors":"Juan Pablo Prado Lallande,&nbsp;Vladimir Rouvinski","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12284","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12284","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Since the governments of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru inaugurated a new Latin American integration mechanism, the Pacific Alliance, in 2011, the bloc has recorded both encouraging and disappointing results, depending on the evolution of the Alliance's main five aspects—political, economic, institutional, cooperative, and societal linkages. Although economic integration did not advance at the expected pace, owing to the abolition of a Mexican visa for Peru and Colombia, between 2011 and 2019, there has been a significant increase in social exchanges of nationals of the four countries, which included activities such as tourism, education, business trips, and others of similar nature (the Pacific Alliance's fifth element). Yet, despite these developments, scholars did not attempt to examine the societal linkage within the bloc, referred to in this article as the “fifth element” of the Pacific Alliance. To narrow the gap, this article examines the path of the Alliance toward deep integration by identifying the effect of strengthening social interactions, using a transnationalist framework and paying particular attention to the changing patterns of individual trips over more than 10 years of the Alliance's existence.</p><p>Desde que en el año 2011 los gobiernos de Chile, Colombia, México y Perú crearon a la Alianza del Pacífico, como un nuevo mecanismo de integración latinoamericana, el bloque ha registrado resultados tanto alentadores como decepcionantes, en función del estado de los cinco principales pilares que la conforman: el político, el económico, su estructura institucional, la cooperación y la vinculación social entre los nacionales de los países miembros. Si bien la integración económica no ha avanzado al ritmo esperado, entre 2011 y 2019 en el seno de la Alianza se produjeron importantes intercambios societales entre los países miembros, que incluyeron turismo, educación, viajes de negocios, y otros, cuyos flujos muestran un incremento significativo. Sin embargo, a pesar de esta dinámica, este rubro del mecanismo latinoamericano no ha sido suficientemente analizado, el cual este artículo aborda y lo conceptualiza como el “quinto elemento” de la Alianza del Pacífico. Para ello, mediante el marco teórico transnacional, el artículo examina el camino de la Alianza hacia una integración profunda mediante la identificación de interacciones sociales representativas entre los países integrantes durante diez años.</p><p>自智利、哥伦比亚、墨西哥和秘鲁政府于 2011 年启动新的拉美一体化机制——太平洋联盟以来，该联盟已取得了一系列成就与失败，这取决于联盟在政治联系、经济联系 、制度联系、合作联系和社会联系这五个主要方面的进展。尽管经济一体化没有以预期的速度推进，但由于墨西哥对秘鲁和哥伦比亚取消了签证要求，在2011 年至 2019 年期间，这四个国家的国民社会交流，包括旅游、教育、商务旅行等活动，和其他类似性质的活动（即太平洋联盟的第五要素）都出现显著增长。不过，尽管存在这些发展，学者并未试图分析该集团内部的社会联系（本文将其称为太平洋联盟的“第五要素”）。 为填补该研究空白距，本文通过识别“加强社会互动”一事产生的影响，以分析太平洋联盟的深度一体化路径。本文使用一项跨国主义框架，特别聚焦于联盟成立 10 多年来个人旅行模式的变化。</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"14 1","pages":"125-146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42913538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}