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Two Early Representations of Lutheranism in France 路德宗在法国的两个早期代表
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/749993
George Clutton
{"title":"Two Early Representations of Lutheranism in France","authors":"George Clutton","doi":"10.2307/749993","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/749993","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most interesting designers of woodcut in Renaissance France is the monogrammist GS with the Lorraine cross, now identified with Gabriel Salmon.' Traceable in documents from 1504 to 1542, this artist, who seems to have come under the influence of Wechtlin early in his career, served for long as court painter to Duke Anthony of Lorraine at Nancy. His style and whole manner of expression are so individual that it is tempting to regard him as the last flicker of life in that Burgundian culture that died before it had grown to independence. His work, as known to-day, consists entirely of woodcuts, and it is two of these which I propose to deal with in this short essay (P1. 43a, b). Both cuts treat of the same subject, namely the Lutheran heresy, and date from the middle of the third decade of the sixteenth century (1524 and 1526). Both, moreover, are Catholic in their objective and both show an originality of symbolism not to be found in contemporary cuts of similar nature. Compared, for instance, with the illustrations in Murner's Luther'scher Narr, they are markedly developed and mature. Moreover, it should be remembered that, whereas Lutheran representations. of the Catholic Church, the Papacy and the like are extremely common, the same cannot be said at this date of Catholic representations of Luther and Lutherans. The first cut to be described occurs in the Blazon des Hiritiques, a plaquette by Pierre Gringore, at this time a herald in the service of Gabriel Salmon's master, the Duke of Lorraine. The Blazon bears no year of impression, but the privilege is dated 1524. It consists of a catalogue (in verse) of the great heresiarchs and a description of their heresies. It concludes with a terrific and highly personal attack on the Lutherans, completely in the style of Gringore's Chatelet mysteries.2 On the title page is the woodcut (P1. 43a), signed on a plaque with Salmon's monogram.3 It depicts a man, similar in type to the Strassburg and Basle Landsknechte. In his right hand he holds a lance with a banner, and in the left a spade and a hoe, slung over his shoulders. His clothing is odd ; one hose is that of a nobleman, the other that of a manual labourer ; one arm is mailed, the other wears an ordinary sleeve. A necklace is strung round his neck, and by his side hangs a bag, the contents of which are being devoured by three rats.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115149885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Poussin's Notes on Painting 普桑的绘画笔记
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/750002
A. Blunt
{"title":"Poussin's Notes on Painting","authors":"A. Blunt","doi":"10.2307/750002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750002","url":null,"abstract":"At the end of his life of Poussin, Bellori prints a number of comments on painting which he claims to have seen in Poussin's writing when they were in the library of Cardinal Massimi. The latter showed them to Pierre le Maire, who apparently handed them on to Bellori.' These notes are important to students of Poussin, as they contain a more considered statement of an approach towards painting than any to be found in the artist's letters. Up to the present critics have always accepted them as original writings of Poussin and have treated them with corresponding respect. But it is the purpose of the present article to show that they are rather notes made by Poussin on his reading. This being the case, we are still entitled to regard them as relevant to the artist's views, but we must use them with circumspection. Poussin no doubt often copied down passages which agreed with his own opinion, but he may also have noted other sections in order to refute them. Without further evidence, therefore, it is only safe to assume that the notes deal with subjects which interested Poussin, not that they necessarily express his own views on these subjects. We know from various sources that Poussin intended to write a book in which he would have expressed his theories about the arts, but that he never came to the point of composing it. On the other hand he certainly made notes for it, to which he refers in a letter written in 1650 : \"J'ai aussi cru de faire mieux de ne pas laisser voir le jour aux avertissemens que je commences a ourdir sur le fait de la peinture.\" ' Bellori's account of the matter is more explicit : \"Ebbe egli sempre in animo di compilare un libro di Pittura, annotando varie materie, e ricordi secondo leggeva, o contemplava da se stesso con fine di ordinarli, quando per l'eth non avesse piii potuto operare col pennello.\"3 Sandrart, who knew Poussin when he was in Rome between 1627 and 1635, confirms this description of the artist's methods: \"Er war sonsten auch von gutem Discurss, und hatte stets ein Biichlein, worein er alles n6thige, so wol mit dem Umriss als auch Buchstaben aufgezeichnet, bey sich.\"' Poussin, therefore, was in the habit during his life in Rome of jotting down on paper his own ideas on painting and also notes on what he read. On the other hand he never embarked on the composition of the book which he intended to write, presumably because he found that he was still able to paint, though with some difficulty, till the last days of his life. After his death some of his friends thought that he had left behind writings on the arts, and Chantelou wrote to make enquiries on this subject of Poussin's brother-in-law, Jean Dughet, who replied that the artist had only left certain extracts which Dughet had made for him from the works of Matheo Zaccolini and Witelo on optics and perspective. Fdlibien, who quotes this letter, comes to the following conclusion : \"Vous","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"217 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132448979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Nugae circa Veritatem: Notes on Anton Francesco Doni
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/749997
G. Bing
{"title":"Nugae circa Veritatem: Notes on Anton Francesco Doni","authors":"G. Bing","doi":"10.2307/749997","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/749997","url":null,"abstract":"Among the Arabic animal tales which are linked together by the story of the two jackals Kalilah and Dimnah 1 there is one entitled the Tale of the Unfaithful Friend. Kalilah learns how his brother Dimnah deceitfully maligned the Bull before their common master the Lion, thus causing the death of an unsuspecting and faithful servant. He brings Dimnah's despicable behaviour home to him by telling him the following exemplum :","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132161603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Poussin's 'Flight into Egypt' 普桑的“逃往埃及”
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/750001
Charles Mitchell
{"title":"Poussin's 'Flight into Egypt'","authors":"Charles Mitchell","doi":"10.2307/750001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750001","url":null,"abstract":"Compared with that of traditional mediaeval representations, the iconography of Poussin's 'Flight into Egypt' 1 (P1. 60) in the Picture Gallery at Dulwich is unusual and somewhat puzzling. In the older type, the Holy Family is depicted travelling in a landscape, of which palm trees and falling idols are common features. But while the introduction of a pyramid, an obelisk and ruins and the presence of an ass indicate the Flight into Egypt, the cross in the sky and-much more-the passage of a river under the conduct of a boatman (an incident recorded neither in canonical nor in apocryphal scripture) demand some explanation. The general association of the Childhood of Christ with the emblems of his Passion needs no comment. It is frequently employed in later mediaeval art, particularly in single-sheet woodcuts, to illustrate the teaching that the Incarnation necessarily involves the Passion.2 In the scene of the Flight into Egypt, however, the cross has a more particular significance, in that the martyrdom of the Holy Innocents, which occasioned the flight, foreshadowed the Crucifixion. This idea is explicit in a painting by Pietro Testa in the Galleria Spada in Rome (P1. 6Ic), where, as a background to the scene of the massacre of the Innocents, the Holy Family is shown traversing a river in a boat which also has a cross on board. Poussin expresses this connection by depicting Christ at a moment when the shining vision of a cross in the sky seems suddenly to have enthralled his attention. With one leg suspended for an instant half-raised, the Child gazes up in rapt wonder, apparently anticipating his triumphant death. In contrast, St. Joseph is shown in contrapostal movement, looking back over his shoulder. Unaware of the cross above, he seems, in the act of turning to choose an empty space in the boat into which to lift the Child, to have become suddenly fascinated by the ass behind him.3","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116754960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
"Was This the Face...?" “这是那张脸吗?”
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/749995
W. S. Heckscher
{"title":"\"Was This the Face...?\"","authors":"W. S. Heckscher","doi":"10.2307/749995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/749995","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121847059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Meditation in Solitude 独处冥想
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/749994
U. Hoff
{"title":"Meditation in Solitude","authors":"U. Hoff","doi":"10.2307/749994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/749994","url":null,"abstract":"he Florentine Picture Chronicle in the British Museum,' contains a representation of the 'Death of Aeschylus' (P1. 44b) in which the poet is seen in an open space with a wood at the back, seated on the stony ground beside a river. He sits meditating with downcast eyes, leaning his bald head on his hand and resting his elbow on his knee, on which he holds an open book. On the top of his head is seen a tortoise, and this appears again in the sky falling from the claws of a large eagle. According to Pliny and Valerius Maximus,2 Aeschylus, of whom it had been predicted that he was to meet his death on a certain day as the result of an object falling on his head, went out into the open, trusting in the clear sky, and was killed by a tortoise, dropped on to his head by an eagle.3 The story seems to illustrate the ancient idea of fate: however much he guarded himself, Aeschylus was unable to escape his destiny. A later version of the Aeschylus legend is found in Aelianus (third century A.D.), who, having explained the eagle's method of obtaining the flesh of the tortoise,4 goes on : \"Once when Aeschylus was sitting on a stone, according to his habit and custom, and was doubtless philosophizing and writing, an eagle, mistaking his bald head for a stone,5 threw down on to it a tortoise, which he had lifted high into the air, and, with unerring aim, killed him.\" This version shows an important difference from the earlier ones by Pliny and Valerius Maximus. The prophecy and the fear of impending fate, which had been the alleged reason for Aeschylus' retirement, have disappeared from the text, and instead another antique idea is introduced as a conjecture :-\"nimirum,\" doubtless, he had gone out to write and philosophize. The tragic author trying to escape his fate is replaced by the poet-philosopher, who seeks solitude in the open air. The drawing in the Florentine Picture Chronicle comes so close to the description of Aelianus that we can hardly suppose it to have been invented independently.6 The influence of this source becomes more evident in contrast to the traditional type of representations of Aeschylus in the Picture Chronicles of the early Quattrocento. Our plate 44a shows the scene in","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131008610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Youth, Innocence and Death: Some Notes on a Medallion on the Certosa of Pavia 青春、纯真与死亡:帕维亚石碑上的一枚纪念章注释
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/749996
J. Seznec
{"title":"Youth, Innocence and Death: Some Notes on a Medallion on the Certosa of Pavia","authors":"J. Seznec","doi":"10.2307/749996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/749996","url":null,"abstract":"he lower part of the fagade of the Carthusian Monastery of Pavia is edged by a broad band of marble, which forms a sort of base to the monument. White marble medallions are set in this reddish stone. Most of them reproduce the obverse or reverse of ancient classical coins, real or imaginary, but one of them-the second on the left, at the corner of the fagade-presents quite an unusual picture (P1. 45a). On piles of stones on either side of the medallion are seated a youth and a child ; the latter, a winged putto holding a little flame in his left hand, rests his right elbow on a skull, near which lies a tibia. Facing him, the young man, naked, in an attitude of despair, hides his face in his hands. Below is written: \"innocentia e memoria mortis.\" This scene is highly mysterious. It presents several problems which we will try to unravel. * * *","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121533934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Chance, Time and Virtue 机会、时间和美德
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/749998
R. Wittkower
{"title":"Chance, Time and Virtue","authors":"R. Wittkower","doi":"10.2307/749998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/749998","url":null,"abstract":"For the Greeks of the Golden Age, Time was a series of propitious moments -and as such could be represented in the figure of the god Kairos. People who thought less metaphorically than the Greeks of the classical age conceived Time as an abstract sequence: in the late Hellenistic period Kairos assumes the sense of xp6voC.1 The original god Kairos lives on as e6xaXplPxE, a notion which signifies one propitious moment in a lapse of time. The Byzantine sources of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Tzetzes, Nikephoros and others,2 therefore describe Lysippos' lost statue of 'Kairos' as 'Chronos.' Even Erasmus still translates Kairos as 'Tempus.' 3 It appears that Cicero was the first to define clearly the relation between xaxp6c-tempus and eboxaplE-occasio. He says: \"Occasio est pars temporis, habens in se alicuius rei idoneam faciendi aut non faciendi opportunitatem .. .\" 4 Thus, a differentiation between the two notions of time is introduced, which stresses the inter-relation of both in its positive as well as in its negative sense. A pictorial formula for this distinction hardly appears before the sixteenth century 5 and was never more drastically applied than in the engravings which accompany the work of the Jesuit Joannes David, published as late as I605.6 As in many Jesuit tracts the pictures are literal illustrations of the text. Each of the twelve chapters is accompanied by an engraving of Theodor Galle, which supplies a visual demonstration","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"237 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131839618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 15
The Story of Joseph on a Coptic Tapestry 科普特挂毯上约瑟夫的故事
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/749989
E. Kitzinger
{"title":"The Story of Joseph on a Coptic Tapestry","authors":"E. Kitzinger","doi":"10.2307/749989","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/749989","url":null,"abstract":"Among the Coptic antiquities exhibited in the British Museum is a panel of woollen tapestry which, judging from similar panels on some of the better preserved Coptic garments, once adorned the sleeve of a linen tunic 1 (Pl. 36a). Its brightly coloured decoration consists of conventionalized floral scrolls and those strangely distorted birds and rather awkward, childlike figures which are a characteristic of Coptic seventh and eighth century style. At first sight it seems difficult to discover the meaning of these figures. But the central medallion with a human body lying horizontally, surmounted by two human faces and a group of little triangular objects, indicates that our panel belongs to the well-known series of textiles with scenes from the life of Joseph which Strzygowski 2 was the first to point out and of which other specimens have since been published by O. v. Falke,s A. F. Kendrick,' Wulff-Volbach,5 and A. Apostolaki.\" All these textiles served as decoration for linen tunics, but they are all of circular, not, like ours, of rectangular shape, and were worn not on the sleeve but on the front and the back of the garment. They show a frieze ofJoseph scenes arranged in a circle, and in the centre they have the same medallion which we find on our panel (P1. 36b). From the context in which it appears on these circular discs, the figure lying in the centre may be identified as Joseph asleep, while the two faces and the triangles above him represent the sun, the moon and the stars which he sees worshipping him in his dream.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133070413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Crucifix and the Balance 十字架与天平
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/749991
F. Wormald
{"title":"The Crucifix and the Balance","authors":"F. Wormald","doi":"10.2307/749991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/749991","url":null,"abstract":"In the important South German MS of the Apocalypse, Ars Moriendi, and astronomical and theological treatises, now in the Wellcome Museum in London, there is a miniature, one aspect of which is of considerable iconographical interest as well as being of very great rarity (P1. 40oa). A sister book to the Wellcome MS is found in the Casanatense Library in Rome, Codex I404,1 which contains a similar miniature on f.37 verso (P1. 40ob). Both MSS are of the same date, the first half of the fifteenth century, and show considerable iconographic invention and independence. This may account for the fact that no exact parallel has been found to these two pictures, though, as I believe may be shown, the idea at the back of the artist's mind was inspired by quite a venerable array of theological writings and at least one miniature of an earlier date 2 (P1. 39d). The miniature to be discussed is on f. 62b of the Wellcome MS. It represents Christ on the Cross with blood streaming from His wounds. On the right of the Cross are three figures all apparently representing the same person. The man on the outside of the group bears a cross upon his shoulders. Near him is the inscription: \"Gregorius. Si passiones Christi debite recolentur non est difficile onus quod facile non portetur.\" ' A second figure, the middle one of the three, walks towards the Crucifix displaying the Five Wounds in his body. An inscription reading: \"Augustinus. Verus penitens cor semper figat in quinque wlnera Christi ibi invenit deuocionem compunctionem fontem lacrimarum remissionem peccatorum amplexandum caritatis et osculum pacis\" would seem to apply to him.4 At the foot of the Cross stands the third figure. He embraces the feet of Christ. His inscription appears to be : \"Passio Christi est meditanda tibi ad imitandum ad compaciendum ad quiescendum ad mirandum et exultandum.\" Thus the outside and middle figures apparently represent the stages of imitation and fellow suffering, while the third one personifies three stages of meditation. On the left of the Crucifix an entirely different scene is shown, which has nothing to do with what is going on on the opposite side. It represents a dying5 man sitting up in bed, his hands raised in supplication to the Man of Sorrows who appears before him. Two inscriptions belong to this part of the picture. The first, which will be discussed more fully later, is : \"Utinam appenderentur peccata mea in statera passio Christi in una parte et peccata","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"90 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116207115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
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