Medjunarodni problemi最新文献

{"title":"Non-Aligned Movement and nuclear disarmament in the XXI century","authors":"M. Kostic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2104667k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2104667k","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of this paper is to investigate the policy and role of the Non-\u0000 Aligned Movement (NAM) on nuclear disarmament in the 21st century. Nuclear\u0000 disarmament continues to be the highest priority of the NAM, which is why it\u0000 deserves a special place in the analysis of the activities of the NAM in\u0000 modern international relations. However, this policy and role have been\u0000 shaped in the new century as well by the adoption and expression of\u0000 principled views on the necessity of nuclear disarmament, with very few\u0000 results achieved, sometimes even among its own membership. Through the\u0000 analysis of the content and comparison of NAM documents adopted at the NAM\u0000 summits or within multilateral forums dealing with disarmament and\u0000 international security issues, as well as secondary sources dealing with\u0000 this topic, the author concludes that the role of non-aligned in nuclear\u0000 disarmament is primarily to keep this issue high on the international agenda\u0000 and as a kind of counterbalance to the demands of the nuclear powers for the\u0000 non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. However, this role is weakened for at\u0000 least six reasons: the importance that individual NAM member states attach\u0000 to nuclear weapons; their refusal to accede to or fully implement universal\u0000 and regional instruments of nuclear disarmament; the (mis) use of the NAM as\u0000 a means of pursuing individual member states' interests for the promotion of\u0000 issues that lack significant support from other member states of the\u0000 Movement; the absence of any NAM measure to condemn or sanction such\u0000 behaviour within the Movement, while they are constantly repeated towards\u0000 other countries such as Israel and the United States; inconsistent \"call\u0000 out\" of individual NWS for disrespect of the principles and measures for\u0000 disarmament and lack of the adequate mechanisms; and the intention of the\u0000 NAM to participate more actively in resolving existing crises regarding\u0000 disarmament and nonproliferation.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"117 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121665540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"European Union integration and the belt and road initiative: A curious case of Serbia","authors":"M. Vucic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2002337v","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2002337v","url":null,"abstract":"The topic of this article is the Serbian foreign policy between its main\u0000 strategic aims - membership in the European Union, and cooperation with\u0000 China in the framework of the Belt and Road initiative. Serbia bases its\u0000 foreign policy upon four pillars - the accession process to the EU and three\u0000 strategic partnerships with great world powers - China, the United States of\u0000 America, and Russia. However, the accession process to the EU requires from\u0000 Serbia to strictly follow its obligations from the Stabilization and\u0000 Association Agreement, Treaty Establishing the Transport Community, and\u0000 other treaties signed with the EU which might sometimes conflict with\u0000 project activities from the Belt and Road partnership process. These\u0000 obligations relate mostly to competition and environmental protection. The\u0000 author gives the analysis of the main points of possible conflict and\u0000 indicates a double standard in the EU approach to the Belt and Road\u0000 initiative. Then he presents arguments that indicate the Belt and Road can\u0000 serve as a bridge between candidate countries and the EU internal market.\u0000 The author concludes that although there exist some structural\u0000 justifications to EU?s skepticism towards the Belt and Road, the best way to\u0000 overcome them is to insist on political dialogue on many existing levels\u0000 between the EU and China, with the aim to exchange information between them\u0000 on EU rules, policies and standards to make sure Chinese investments and\u0000 other financial activities in Serbia are in accordance with its accession\u0000 obligations.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"326 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122741462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The role of international authority in lake's hierarchical \"scheme\" of world politics","authors":"Vladimir Ajzenhamer","doi":"10.2298/medjp1903311a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp1903311a","url":null,"abstract":"Although the agreement of different theoretical approaches regarding the role\u0000 and importance of power in world politics can easily be reached, when it\u0000 comes to its definition even elementary consensus is lacking. In this paper,\u0000 we analyze theoretical interpretations of power given by David Lake, which\u0000 in its conceptual scope and explanation of international order deviates from\u0000 the established theoretical tracks in the field of IR. We focus on the\u0000 concept of authority as a form of international power, which is one of the\u0000 fundamental pillars of Lake's theory of hierarchy in international\u0000 relations. Comparing the content of Lake's concept of authority with\u0000 different theoretical interpretations of international power, primarily\u0000 those that preceded it, we emphasized the theoretical advantages of Lake's\u0000 interpretation of the structure of the international system. We conclude\u0000 that Lake?s theory can be characterized as \"non-canonical\" rethinking of\u0000 world politics to some extent. The relation of superiority and\u0000 subordination, which does not rest on coercion, nor fear of force, but on\u0000 voluntary consent, forms the backbone of Lake's theory, and at the same time\u0000 represents its most recognizable and controversial part. Subjugation to the\u0000 force is often read as a dark chapter of human history, a chapter that\u0000 humanity seemingly scornfully closed after the rise and success of the\u0000 anti-colonial movement in the second half of the twentieth century. In this\u0000 context, Lake's study indicates that reality is something completely\u0000 different. Former colonies still agree to a subordinate position in order to\u0000 benefit from it, but today voluntarily. By analyzing his concept of\u0000 authority and comparing it to other conceptions of power, we tried to\u0000 explain Lake's view on world politics, and why his findings on authority,\u0000 subordination, superiority and international hierarchies in the field of\u0000 economics and security represent unavoidable theoretical destinations for\u0000 every scholar interested in the study of contemporary international\u0000 relations.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121146666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The EU’s raison d’état in the Western Balkans: Can the new enlargement methodology help?","authors":"Ivana Radic-Milosavljevic, S. Domaradzki","doi":"10.2298/medjp2203391r","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2203391r","url":null,"abstract":"By employing the concept of raison d??tat, the article questions the European\u0000 Union?s role in the so-called Western Balkan region. While the region\u0000 continues to be covered by the EU?s enlargement policy, we argue that the\u0000 policy has been in paralysis. We explore whether the heightened geopolitical\u0000 tensions in Europe have brought the EU to a turning point at which it would\u0000 use its enlargement policy decisively to pursue its strategic interests in\u0000 the region. We start with a theoretical discussion of raison d??tat and its\u0000 instrumentalization in the context of the European Union as a non-state\u0000 actor. Then, we use the conceptual benchmarks of the raison d??tat to\u0000 analyze its empirical implementation through the EU?s relations with Western\u0000 Balkan countries. We explore the EU?s available enlargement policy tools and\u0000 the diverging positions within the EU towards enlargement. We pay special\u0000 attention to the ?New enlargement methodology? devised by the Commission in\u0000 2019. We argue that despite the Commission?s efforts to promote the EU?s\u0000 common interest in the region framed in a geopolitical narrative, the\u0000 diverging national interests still preclude the EU from aggregating its own\u0000 and pursuing its raison d??tat towards the region. The ?new methodology?\u0000 does nothing to overcome this situation. What is more, by insisting on a\u0000 ?stronger political steer? and by further facilitating the reversal of the\u0000 accession process, the document pushes the Union further away from a common\u0000 ground regarding the enlargement.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126743551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Outer space as a geographical domain: A contribution to laying the foundations for astropolitics","authors":"Mihajlo Kopanja","doi":"10.2298/medjp2103401k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2103401k","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents an effort to contribute to the foundations of\u0000 astropolitics by presenting the central characteristics of outer space as a\u0000 geographical domain. Given that current international trends point to the\u0000 increasingly active role of states and private companies in the utilization\u0000 of space, understanding the opportunities and limitations that the\u0000 environment of outer space poses on human action represents the foundation\u0000 of a systematic analysis of the international politics of outer space.\u0000 Starting from the assumption that space can be viewed as a geographical\u0000 domain, similar to land, sea or air, the paper presents key physical\u0000 characteristics of space and the central problem fields of the social\u0000 constitution of space, which are then placed in the context of geopolitical\u0000 thought. The paper is divided into three parts where the first part provides\u0000 a brief history of astropolitical thought, the second presents the universe\u0000 as a geographical domain by identifying physical and social properties of\u0000 the space environment, and the third part observes the space environment\u0000 through the ?ecological triad? of Harold and Margaret Sprout and Harvey\u0000 Starr?s ?opportunity and willingness? framework to explain how the physical\u0000 and social properties of outer space impact international politics. The\u0000 author concludes that, since outer space will be a more and more important\u0000 area in the future, academic study of international relations in space will\u0000 be increasingly relevant, thus requiring knowledge of the basics of\u0000 astropolitics, i.e., outer space itself and the features that characterize\u0000 it as a geographical domain.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"31 13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116929672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The first hundred days of the Biden administration and the us foreign and security policy","authors":"R. Simic, D. Zivojinovic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2102187s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2102187s","url":null,"abstract":"The paper deals with the foreign and security policy of the United States of\u0000 America during the first hundred days of the Biden administration. Ever\u0000 since Franklin Delano Roosevelt?s first term, the presidential performance\u0000 at the beginning of the administration has been measured by the first\u0000 hundred days of a president?s term. The most important intentions about what\u0000 is to be achieved, the selection of the team, key appointments, and the\u0000 establishment of the National Security Council System, the most important\u0000 speeches, and concrete moves towards regional and functional issues, say a\u0000 lot about what the foreign and security policy of an administration will\u0000 look like. President Joe Biden is no exception. Moreover, his insistence\u0000 that the circumstances in which the United States finds itself are a truly\u0000 ?Rooseveltian moment? contributed to the first hundred days of his\u0000 administration being monitored with special attention. The authors start\u0000 from the hypothesis that Biden, owing to his experience in government and a\u0000 good reading of the circumstances in which America and the world find\u0000 themselves, established a good and functional national security system as\u0000 well as a clear list of foreign policy priorities. He, like Franklin Delano\u0000 Roosevelt, found the appropriate balance between values and interests, means\u0000 and goals, pragmatism and principle. The authors conclude that, although the\u0000 first steps are promising, it remains to be seen whether Biden will reach\u0000 the highest standards set by his famous predecessor, especially in the face\u0000 of some unforeseen and unexpected events.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133035006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"European Union and Ukraine: The strategic partnership leading to (some)where?","authors":"M. Petrović","doi":"10.2298/medjp2201075p","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2201075p","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the evolving nature of the strategic relationship\u0000 between Ukraine and the EU since the onset of the second decade of the 21st\u0000 century. The author aims to show that, although the two sides have for years\u0000 been elevating their ties through the neighbourhood policy and the Eastern\u0000 Partnership strategic initiative, Kyiv?s ultimate ambition has always been\u0000 focused on securing the EU membership perspective. The author considers the\u0000 Ukrainian EU membership request precarious due to the Union?s concerns over\u0000 stability, Kyiv?s territorial integrity problems and the ongoing war, the\u0000 unfavourable impact for the current membership candidates, but also since\u0000 such a request sets a precedent for the other eastern partners. To explicate\u0000 the abovementioned aspects, the author primarily uses the historical method\u0000 and the document analysis, to clarify in greater detail the chief political\u0000 events which have gradually led towards the current state. Research\u0000 conclusions point out that, despite Ukraine?s right to apply for EU\u0000 membership, such a request is unlikely to result in a speedy accession, due\u0000 to a variety of abovementioned aspects, coupled with a complicated\u0000 decision-making process in the Union in that regard. In spite of that, the\u0000 EU intends to continue supporting Ukraine as a strategic partner in a\u0000 variety of domains, including also an indirect aid in combating the Russian\u0000 military incursion. The author finds that the EU?s response to the\u0000 membership application will have extensive ramifications not only on the two\u0000 parties? relations, but also on the enlargement policy and the Eastern\u0000 Partnership domain.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122353119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Relationalism and changes in international relations: An example of the influence of algorithmic power on the structure of everyday life and the emergence of national populism","authors":"Milos Vukelic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2102284v","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2102284v","url":null,"abstract":"The paper points out that there is a way to comprehend the phenomenon of\u0000 national populism from the perspective of the international relations\u0000 discipline. Additionally, to provide an interpretation of why national\u0000 populism occurred in the United States and the European Union after 2014.\u0000 The emergence of national populism in the United States and the European\u0000 Union countries has endangered the survival of the liberal-democratic\u0000 paradox. There are numerous scientific explanations attempting to explain\u0000 how this phenomenon came about. In this paper, I will reduce these\u0000 explanations to cultural, economic, and political arguments and arguments\u0000 about human nature and the long-term logic of modernity. The author argues\u0000 that these explanations have a research gap since there is no answer to why\u0000 national populism occurred in 2014 simultaneously in the EU and the United\u0000 States. As a set of tools in the international relations discipline, the\u0000 author finds that relationalism provides us with lenses that can open up a\u0000 space to claim that the simultaneous change, embodied in the emergence of\u0000 national populism, occurred due to a change in the structure of the\u0000 everyday. Therefore, the paper consists of an interdisciplinary literature\u0000 review of relationalism in international relations, everyday nationalism,\u0000 the influence of algorithmic power and algorithmic politics on the structure\u0000 of human internet presence, and the existing works that indicate the source\u0000 of national populism?s emergence. By proving the claims, the author points\u0000 out the importance of studying processes in order to understand the events\u0000 and changes in international relations that have occurred since 2014.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128806986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The transformation of outer space into a warfighting domain in the 21st century","authors":"B. Stojanovic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2103433s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2103433s","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the process of the transformation of outer space into\u0000 a warfighting domain in the 21st century. During the Cold War, outer space\u0000 was a place of understanding and peaceful competition between superpowers.\u0000 Militarization has existed since the beginning of the Space Age, excluding\u0000 the weaponization of space until the beginning of the 21st century. The\u0000 absence of an international regime to prevent the weaponization of space and\u0000 technological advances opens up new opportunities for states in their quest\u0000 to increase power. The theoretical paradigm is a realistic perspective of\u0000 international institutions as a reflection of the most powerful state?s\u0000 minimum consensus on a mechanism for reducing their costs. Successfully\u0000 tested anti-satellite weapons open new questions about the defense of\u0000 vulnerable space installations from enemy attacks. The author's prognostic\u0000 thesis refers to the new race in space weapons and the matter of time when\u0000 lasers, plasma weapons, kinetic bombardment, and other types of space\u0000 weapons will see the light of day. The strategic balance will remain\u0000 untouched until the invention of a superior space weapon able to neutralize\u0000 the existing offensive capacities of the states and erase the second strike\u0000 capability appears. The author concludes that international institutions\u0000 cannot limit the ambitions of states in conquering space because they do not\u0000 want to give up that potential, but that a limited space war is unlikely.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"105 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117222516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"China’s 21st century geopolitics and geo-economics: An evidence from the Western Balkans","authors":"Nevena Sekaric","doi":"10.2298/medjp2002356s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2002356s","url":null,"abstract":"This article advocates the thesis that the People?s Republic of China, in\u0000 accordance with a strong geopolitical strategy, is using geo-economics tools\u0000 in the context of reshaping global powers? influence in diverse parts of the\u0000 world. One of these spatial dimensions of Chinese emerging domination refers\u0000 to the Western Balkans, primarily through the economic presence of China in\u0000 this region. To address this issue first will be considered concepts of\u0000 geopolitics and geo-economics, followed by highlighting China?s presence in\u0000 the Western Balkans region and flourishing infrastructure projects in the\u0000 domain of transport and energy. The research is conducted by relying on the\u0000 existing databases on China?s economic involvement in different economy\u0000 sectors worldwide, mainly from China Global Investment Tracker (CGIT) and\u0000 AidData?s Global Chinese Official Finance Dataset for the WB countries in\u0000 the period 2013-2018. Special attention is given to China?s benefits in\u0000 terms of realizing those projects, even though the Western Balkans\u0000 countries? market is not attractive per se. Finally, some concluding remarks\u0000 have been made in terms of the potentials of China?s strategy to reconsider\u0000 political and security dynamics in the Western Balkans.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114691144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}