Medjunarodni problemi最新文献

{"title":"Re-examination of EU normative power in light of the revised enlargement methodology towards the Western Balkans","authors":"Ana Bojinovic-Fenko, Faris Kočan","doi":"10.2298/medjp2203411b","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2203411b","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to re-examine the concept of ?EU normative power?\u0000 in the revised EU approach to enlargement policy announced in 2020. Drawing\u0000 on conceptualisation of power in Foreign Policy Analysis the article applies\u0000 the reading of the EU?s soft and hard power - both as capability and as\u0000 influence - to EU normative power. The empirical part thus identifies above\u0000 four elements within the EU?s promotion of its particular norms and within\u0000 the EU?s strife for international normality via enlargement policy. The\u0000 results show that the new enlargement methodology does offer change of EU\u0000 normative power. The EU could more effectively condition the respect of its\u0000 particular norms by an exemplary domestic practice assuring its own domestic\u0000 and foreign policy legitimacy and in turn by developing and applying the\u0000 needed capabilities for achieving attractiveness. Even though a plan of\u0000 positive conditionality and better-defined conditions in direct negotiations\u0000 carries such potential, a risk exists that the biggest novelty - the\u0000 ?phasing-in? paradigm - would only explore EU?s norm-related hard market\u0000 power capabilities by keeping the Western Balkans countries as candidates\u0000 forever, thus undermining EU?s legitimacy and hard power influence of\u0000 negative conditionality. To promote international normality, however, the EU\u0000 needs to activate other elements of soft power influence, namely agenda\u0000 setting and persuasion.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121991277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The U.S. Space Force in a geopolitical context: Peaceful development or arming of outer space?","authors":"B. Stojanovic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2004653s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2004653s","url":null,"abstract":"The main research question in this article is how much the establishment of\u0000 the U.S. Space Force has influenced other countries to accelerate their\u0000 space activities and whether future technological development in space will\u0000 be peaceful. The newly formed U.S. Space Force is the result of new\u0000 geopolitical reflections on the importance of outer space as a new type of\u0000 battlefield between states. International norms forbid weapons of mass\u0000 destruction in outer space, but not conventional weapons. The author\u0000 examines the justification and the possibility of establishing an\u0000 international regime that would limit the future space ambitions of a few\u0000 capable states. The author uses a comparative method and analysis of state\u0000 practices to examine who could be the most serious competitor of the United\u0000 States in the struggle for space domination. The author concludes that space\u0000 nationalism dominates the practices of states and their aspirations to\u0000 increase their own power. Although it is too early to reject classical\u0000 geopolitical views, geopolitics must respect outer space as a new arena of\u0000 competition. The author also predicts that there will be a place for private\u0000 actors in that arena, but with strict state supervision. The main conclusion\u0000 and answer to the research question are that American activities will\u0000 introduce the race to conquer space to a new speed, including the armament\u0000 and militarization of outer space.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125126626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Russian military hybrid operations in Ukraine: Adapting strategy and tactics to the contemporary structure of war","authors":"I. Pejic","doi":"10.2298/medjp1904423p","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp1904423p","url":null,"abstract":"With the escalation of the Ukrainian crisis, more than a decade old term of\u0000 hybrid warfare was brought back to life. The frequent usage of the term\u0000 \"hybrid warfare\" on a global scale inconsequentially produced an alteration\u0000 of the term's true meaning. In an attempt to define a hybrid war various\u0000 aspects of power are being added, sometimes by mistake, which can be\u0000 employed in a military manner. This paper will explore the concept of hybrid\u0000 warfare in Ukraine on the premises of Russian military operations and their\u0000 method of employing military force in the next generation of warfare. The\u0000 main research subject represents the study of operational and tactical\u0000 components of the military-political happenings on Crimea and in the region\u0000 of Donbas, as well as the study of the modern approach in the deployment and\u0000 utilization of military forces in the next generation of warfare. The\u0000 altered visage of modern warfare, affected by various socio-economic and\u0000 technological changes, also demands certain adjustments to military strategy\u0000 and tactics in terms of force employment and how these efforts correlate\u0000 with geopolitical goals and the manner in which they are accomplished. In\u0000 the paper, the author will use a variety of primary and secondary sources in\u0000 order to set a comprehensive theoretical foundation that will help us with\u0000 the ongoing analysis of the Ukrainian war and the role of Russian armed\u0000 forces in it. The goal of this study is to grasp and explain the changed\u0000 concept of military force as well as to call attention to the dynamic nature\u0000 of military strategy, which is constantly adjusting itself to the volatile\u0000 character of war. The main findings of this paper are focused on a partial\u0000 displacement of the Klauzewitzian centre of gravity, from higher strategic\u0000 levels towards lower operational and tactical levels of military\u0000 organization, as well as the fact that the Russian armed forces have managed\u0000 to successfully reinvent itself after numerous political and economic\u0000 hardships that have ensued after the collapse of the Soviet Union.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122475024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Evolution of the EU development policy - from altruism to the interest instrumentalism and beyond","authors":"Nikolina Herceg-Kolman, Goran Bandov","doi":"10.2298/medjp2203433h","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2203433h","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the evolution of the European Union (EU) development\u0000 policy, from the United Nations Millennium development goals (MDGs) and,\u0000 first-ever, global attempt to end poverty, to the present day. It first gives\u0000 an overview of the literature, noting it is heavily focused on the\u0000 solidarity-instrumentalism dichotomy, then follows with analysis on how have\u0000 major global crises, notably, climate crisis, Covid-19 pandemic, and Ukraine\u0000 crisis, affected and shaped the EU development policy and its evolution.\u0000 Based on that analysis and the literature, the article summarizes several\u0000 categories of the factors that have influenced the EU development policy and\u0000 concludes that the research must go beyond the solidarity-instrumentalism\u0000 dichotomy and develop more encompassing research tools, to be able to grasp\u0000 increasing complexities of the development policymaking in the contemporary\u0000 world. A more appropriate analytical frame should focus on the dual role of\u0000 the EU development policy, which serves as a bridge between foreign and\u0000 domestic EU policy, and on its integration with other policies, especially\u0000 climate, health, and peace.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122581801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Neoclassical geopolitics: Preliminary theoretical principles and methodological guidelines","authors":"Nuno Morgado","doi":"10.2298/medjp2001129m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2001129m","url":null,"abstract":"The paper is aimed at making geopolitical studies and neoclassical\u0000 geopolitics equivalent. In this sense, the objectives are conceptual and\u0000 operational, comprising an original definition of geopolitical studies, and\u0000 the explanation of the neoclassical geopolitics model and its variables:\u0000 systemic stimuli, the geopolitical agent?s perceptions and capacities, and\u0000 foreign policy outcomes (primarily the geopolitical design). Therefore, the\u0000 problem at stake is to tie up several theoretical and methodological\u0000 contributions into a solid new geopolitical model, in the limits of the\u0000 phenomenological and soft positivist sphere. Two sections constituted the\u0000 structure of this qualitative paper: 1) formulation of a chain of\u0000 theoretical fundaments in geopolitical studies, and 2) description of a\u0000 group of methodological steps that a geopolitical study can use. The\u0000 research advances a) a new definition of geopolitical studies, b) explains\u0000 the concept of geomisguidance, c) frames and unwraps Ratzel?s concept of\u0000 Raumsinn, and d) ultimately systematises and assesses geopolitical studies?\u0000 literature of different languages with respect to theory and methodology.\u0000 All these findings were oriented to the practical aspect of the\u0000 operationalisation of geopolitical studies, presenting the compact\u0000 conclusion that the analysis of location is not enough for a grand vision of\u0000 geopolitical studies as an international relations approach.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"184 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121318143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Emerging and disruptive technologies in the Western Balkans: Do we need a new arms control regime?","authors":"M. Jevtić, Marina Kostic-Sulejic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2302211j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2302211j","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of this paper is to examine the relationship between the emerging\u0000 and disruptive technologies and the sub-regional arms control regime in the\u0000 Western Balkans, established by the Agreement on Sub-Regional Arms Control,\u0000 signed on June 14, 1996, in Florence. The main research question is: Do the\u0000 emerging and disruptive technologies that the Western Balkans countries\u0000 possess or are planning to acquire influence the existing arms control\u0000 equation in the Western Balkans and, if yes, do we need a new arms control\u0000 regime? Authors explore this question through the analysis of emerging and\u0000 disruptive technologies that have taken roots in the Western Balkans and are\u0000 likely to grow significant in the future, and the sub-regional arms control\u0000 regime, taking emerging and disruptive technologies as one of the variables\u0000 that challenges the existing arms control regime in this region. They compare\u0000 the current emerging and disruptive technologie capacities that Western\u0000 Balkan states possess, as well as the potential of those emerging and\u0000 disruptive technologies to disrupt the balance of forces set by the\u0000 Agreement. The authors conclude that, although we do not need a completely\u0000 new arms control agreement in the Western Balkans, having in mind the\u0000 flexibility of the existing one, a responsible approach would include an\u0000 update of the current arms control regime, especially regarding the new\u0000 confidence and security building measures, including increased transparency\u0000 on the acquirement and the nature of potential use of emerging and disruptive\u0000 technologies.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126993199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Rivalry between the United States of America and Russia in cyberspace","authors":"Dejan Vuletić, B. Djordjevic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2201051v","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2201051v","url":null,"abstract":"Authors analyze cyberspace, a product of the rapid development of information\u0000 and communication technologies, and its role and importance for leading\u0000 world powers. Nevertheless, to the undoubted advantages for modern society,\u0000 cyberspace has certain negative aspects regarding the state functioning. The\u0000 authors emphasize that there are certain threats in cyberspace and that they\u0000 are becoming more numerous and sophisticated. In strategic and doctrinal\u0000 documents of many countries they are among the greatest security challenges\u0000 in the 21st century. The authors explainthat cyberspace is characterized by\u0000 increasing militarization and the undoubted military presence of leading\u0000 world powers such as the United States (U.S.) and Russia. Further, authors\u0000 develop the argument that the growing dependence and use of information and\u0000 communication technologies has caused, among other things, a change in the\u0000 physiognomy of modern armed conflicts. The next part of the paper is\u0000 dedicated to the conflict of states in cyberspace. In the final part of the\u0000 article, authors give examples of incidents between the U.S. and Russia and\u0000 analyze their capability for cyber warfare. The authors conclude that both\u0000 considered world powers have respectable offensive and defensive capacities\u0000 for cyber warfare.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123625917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"British diplomacy of money and trade","authors":"Ognjen Pribicevic","doi":"10.2298/medjp1902137p","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp1902137p","url":null,"abstract":"Leaving the EU is one of the major political decisions made in the UK over\u0000 the past half-century. Brexit brought about a virtual political earthquake\u0000 not only in EU-UK relations but also in terms of UK future place and role on\u0000 the international scene. Immediately after the decision of UK citizens to\u0000 leave the EU at a referendum held on 23 June 2016, the question arose as to\u0000 whether the UK will lose some of its international influence, whether\u0000 Scotland will remain part of the Union, whether the UK will retain its\u0000 privileged relations and special status with the USA, and what its future\u0000 relations with the EU will be. The purpose of this article is to point to the\u0000 basic priorities of the contemporary British foreign policy as well as to\u0000 place and role of the UK on the contemporary international scene particularly\u0000 in view of its decision to leave the EU. We shall first try to define the\u0000 status of present-day Britain in international relations. Second, we shall\u0000 address the traditional dilemma of the UK foreign policy - what should be\u0000 given priority - relations with the USA, Europe or the Commonwealth? After\u0000 that, we shall discuss in more detail the phases the UK foreign policy went\u0000 through following the end of the cold war. In the third phase, we shall\u0000 analyze the British contemporary foreign and economic policy towards Gulf\u0000 countries and China. In the fourth part of the article, we shall discuss\u0000 relations with the USA. It should be pointed out that the article does not\u0000 seek to analyze all aspects of British foreign policy, even if we wanted to,\u0000 due to a shortage of time. Of course, the topic of Brexit will be present in\u0000 all chapters and especially in the last one and conclusion remarks. By its\u0000 decision to leave the EU, the UK appears to have given priority to its\u0000 relations with the USA, China, Gulf countries as well as Commonwealth\u0000 countries instead of the EU which has been economically and politically\u0000 dominant over the past few decades. This decision taken by UK citizens will\u0000 no doubt have a great impact not only on their personal lives and standard of\u0000 living but on the UK role in international relations. Despite its military,\u0000 political, economic and cultural capacities, it is highly unlikely that the\u0000 UK will manage to overcome the consequences of an exit from the single\u0000 market, currently generating 18 trillion dollars on an annual basis as well\u0000 as the loss of a privileged partner role with the USA within the Union. We\u0000 are, therefore, more likely to believe that in the foreseeable future, the\u0000 role of the UK on the international scene will continue to decline and be\u0000 increasingly focused on its economic and financial interests. Project of the\u0000 Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant\u0000 no. III 47010: Drustvene transformacije u procesu evropskih integracija -\u0000 multidisciplinarni pristup]","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126437861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"EU’s revised enlargement methodology: Emperor’s new clothes as the new iron curtain falls in Europe","authors":"M. Kovačević","doi":"10.2298/medjp2203339k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2203339k","url":null,"abstract":"The nature of the European Union (EU) as a global actor has long been the subject of academic debate. Proponents of understanding the EU as a normative, civilian force agree that its greatest transformative power lies in its enlargement policy, which allows it to shape reforms in countries that wish to become its members through strong conditioning. It is in this context that we will analyse the new methodology of accession negotiations, with the basic premise that it represents a debatable attempt of the EU to preserve its transformative power in relation to candidate countries despite the crisis of the enlargement policy and to further strengthen the already strong mechanisms of conditionality that accompany this process. Two years have passed since the new methodology was adopted, yet there have been no significant changes. Meanwhile, the dramatic change in the geopolitical situation, caused by the outbreak of war in Ukraine in February 2022, has led to a sudden fall of the new Iron Curtain on the continent, creating additional controversies regarding the enlargement policy: Will it apply also to Eastern European countries in the future, and will it become part of a differentiated integration? Also, the question of whether the EU can act strategically towards establishing new relations in Europe is being raised once again.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123221920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Terrorism as a type of political communication: The use of propaganda of the deed in hegemonic struggles","authors":"Filip Otovic-Visnjic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2004709o","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2004709o","url":null,"abstract":"The paper focuses on the communicological dimension of the terrorist act,\u0000 starting from the position that the violence is used to convey various\u0000 messages in a non-verbal way. Throughout the research into the propaganda of\u0000 the deed, the technique on which communicational tactics of terrorists are\u0000 mostly based, the author seeks to examine extensive ranges of communication\u0000 strategies used by insurgent groups against dominant hegemony. By combining\u0000 the elements of Jacques Ellul's theoretical conception of propaganda along\u0000 with the cultural approach in the interpretation of mechanisms in which\u0000 hegemony operates, the author refutes perspectives that deny rebellions?\u0000 possibilities for efficient realization of their propaganda goals by using\u0000 acts of violence. The author?s conclusion is based on three arguments.\u0000 Firstly, for modern propaganda, provoking the behavior of the audience\u0000 (ortopraxie) is a more important goal than influencing its attitudes\u0000 (orthodoxy). Secondly, it is possible to notice elements in the\u0000 pre-propaganda field, which evade hegemonic control, due to the\u0000 contradiction between ideological narratives and the real structure, and\u0000 which insurgent propaganda may utilize. Lastly - by means of terrorist acts,\u0000 their performers address different types of audiences with different goals\u0000 simultaneously. The author concludes that the efficiency of propaganda can\u0000 be manifested in two manners: in the short term - when an act of violence\u0000 represents a direct ?trigger? for the desired behavior of the audience; in\u0000 the long term - by including the act and provoked behavior in the network of\u0000 memories, which becomes an element of pre-propaganda that can be referred to\u0000 in the future.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131134761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}