{"title":"Ekstremizm prawicowy Partii Ludowej—Nasza Słowacja w Republice Słowackiej: ideologia i praktyka polityczna","authors":"Łukasz Lewkowicz","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.3.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.3.8","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article was to analyze the ideology of the People’s Party–Our Slovakia (Ľudová strana naše Slovensko, ĽSNS), established in 2009. The first part of the text discusses the definitions of political extremism and then presents this phenomenon in Slovakia in a historical perspective. The most important categories of topics discussed by ĽSNS in election programs and party rhetoric, as well as party activity to date were analyzed in detail: the nation, anti-Roma and anti-immigration attitudes, and distance towards the West.","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123563219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Założenia oraz cele Grupy Wyszehradzkiej, Inicjatywy Trójmorza i Inicjatywy Środkowoeuropejskiej a instytucjonalno-prawny wymiar prewencji terrorystycznej przykładowych państw członkowskich: Węgier, Estonii i Łotwy","authors":"Barbara Wiśniewska-Paź","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.4.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.4.5","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to present the most important assumptions and goals of three international regional initiatives important from the point of view of Central, Central and Eastern Europe and Central and South Europe: the Visegrad Group, the Three Seas Initiative and the Central European Initiative, as well as institutional and legal solutions of selected countries associated with them in the field of terrorist prevention. For the analysis of the materials found, including studies and documents, the content analysis, the method of information synthesis and critical analysis were used. In addition, a case study, conceptual analysis and synthesis used in the description of key conclusions drawn after the literature review on various solutions, concepts and methods related to the presented issues (international regional initiatives, prevention and combating terrorism in exemplary countries) were used.","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"98 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132055275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Społeczeństwo obywatelskie a stosunek do instytucji politycznych w Republice Czeskiej","authors":"Krzysztof Koźbiał","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.3.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.3.7","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the current state of civil society in the Czech Republic, referring primarily to social activity in the political sphere of this country. This is reflected, among other things, in the relatively low level of political participation. An important part of the deliberations are the numerous references to opinion polls and to the idea of the development of civil society and “non-political politics” formulated by Vaclav Havel. In general, the social political activity of Czech citizens is at a low level. On the one hand, this is a consequence of the systemic transformation after the fall of the communist system, and on the other hand, of a very low assessment of the political institutions functioning in this country (parliament, government, political parties). This, in turn, is a consequence of numerous scandals involving top-level politicians. The exception is the local level of politics, which clearly shows that the Czechs are nevertheless interested in politics, above all the politics that is closest to them and that they deal with every day. They express it, for example, in very numerous local referendums.","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129401137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Tło aksjologiczne protestów 2020 roku i powyborczego kryzysu politycznego na Białorusi","authors":"Piotr Rudkouski","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.3.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.3.10","url":null,"abstract":"The pro-democratic mobilization of Belarusians in 2020 does not fit in with the pattern typical of the region, where democratization was accompanied by an increase in pro-Western attitudes. Before the outbreak of the protests, in the course of their duration, and after their cessation, pro-Russian attitudes have prevailed over pro-European ones. Besides, Belarusians have a problematic national identity, an ambivalent attitude towards emancipatory values and are still attached to the attributes of the Soviet era. Such a configuration of values did not prevent the formation of a strong demand for democracy. However, it may significantly hinder the process of system transformation towards democracy.","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126047856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Historia – płaszczyzna wpływu w relacjach rosyjsko-ukraińskich w latach 2014-2022","authors":"Walenty Baluk, Mykola Doroshko","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.4.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.4.7","url":null,"abstract":"The analysis of the Russian-Ukrainian relations case study shows two different models of determining contemporary historical memory. The first (Russian) consists of continuing the imperial traditions in historiography and politics of memory, focused on maintaining the superpower myths of the tsarist and Soviet empires. The second (Ukrainian) points to an attempt by researchers and the political class to escape from the influence of Russian historiography as well as to shape their own national historical narrative and policy of memory, connected with in the European tradition. Geopolitical and historical determinism are the basis of Vladimir Putin’s imperial policy, trying to imitate the founders of the tsarist (Peter I) and Soviet (Stalin) empires. The conflict of the Russian imperial historical memory with the Ukrainian one was a significant reason for the aggression of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine. The Russian Federation has chosen an aggressive model of memory policy, treating history as a tool of influence against the so-called near and far abroad.","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121702550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Soft power kultury rosyjskiej w kontekście wojny Federacji Rosyjskiej przeciwko Ukrainie","authors":"Nadia Gergało-Dąbek","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.4.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.4.8","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to look at Russian culture as a soft power through the prism of the large-scale invasion of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and to analyze the changes in its perception that have occurred as a result of these events. Russian culture, especially high culture, is known and appreciated in the world, which gives it the power of attraction and the possibility of exerting influence. At the same time, it is not only a source of prestige and a tool for promoting Russia, but also spreading Russian imperial myths that contributed to the invasion of Ukraine. Moreover, the operation of Russian cultural institutions outside the borders of the Russian Federation is strictly controlled by the authorities, and its popularization is treated as a “special operation”. Russian culture imposed imperial optics on the perception of “near abroad”, deprived Ukraine of the right to its history, identity and cultural heritage. Due to its colonial nature, it does not perceive the suffering of oppressed nations, and is therefore unable to prevent the tragedy of their destruction, as is the case with Ukraine and its culture. As a result of the initiated war, Russia has embezzled some of its soft power. However, there is no consensus among the international community regarding the imposition of sanctions on Russian culture. Ukrainian cultural activists accuse the international community of hypocrisy because, in defending Russian culture, it does not perceive the deliberate and systematic destruction of Ukrainian culture. Russian culture requires a reinterpretation and unmasking of the imperial optics, as consuming it indiscriminately poses a threat to the national security of the “near abroad” states.","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125968864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ukraina w polityce zagranicznej Kanady po zakończeniu zimnej wojny","authors":"Magdalena Marczuk-Karbownik","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.4.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.4.11","url":null,"abstract":"The following analysis aims to indicate the position of independent Ukraine in Canada’s foreign policy after 1991. For the following reasoning, it is also important to present how bilateral relations evolved and how Canada reacted for the events in Ukraine after the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in March 2014. The numerous Ukrainian minority and the influence of the Ukrainian lobby on the process of shaping Ottawa’s foreign policy are the main arguments explaining Canada’s involvement in Central and Eastern Europe. The research methods used in the text are the descriptive method as well as the decision-making and content analysis methods.","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114674269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Poland as a gas hub – opportunities for cooperation with selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe","authors":"M. Koczan","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.4.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.4.6","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to analyse the possibility of establishing a regional gas transmission and trade center in Poland, the so-called gas hub. The gas hub is described in many strategic documents adopted by the Polish authorities in recent years. For its creation, several key elements must be met. First of all, a strong, competitive, and diversified (energy sector, heating sector, industry, individual customers) natural gas market should be established in Poland. The natural gas distribution and transmission network should be able to balance supply and demand. Domestic production of natural gas should be supplemented by stable and diversified supplies. The domestic gas markets in the region should be integrated and the connection between the systems (interconnectors) should enable the gas transmission in both directions (import/export). The purpose of this article is to verify the possibility of establishing a regional natural gas transmission and trade center in Poland and to define the potential for cooperation with selected countries of our region. Keywords: natural gas, gas hub, gas infrastructure, regional cooperation Streszczenie: Celem artykułu jest analiza możliwości utworzenia w Polsce regionalnego centrum przesyłu i handlu gazem ziemnym, tak zwanego hubu gazowego. Aby koncepcja, która opisana jest w szeregu strategicznych dokumentów przyjmowanych przez polskie władze w ostatnich latach, mogła zostać zrealizowana, musi wystąpić kilka kluczowych elementów. Przede wszystkim powinien powstać w Polsce silny, konkurencyjny, zróżnicowany (energetyka zawodowa, sektor ciepłownictwa, przemysł, klienci indywidualni) rynek handlu gazem ziemnym. Sieć dystrybucji i przesyłu surowca powinna móc równoważyć popyt z podażą surowca. Krajowe wydobycie gazu ziemnego powinno być uzupełnione przez stabilne i zdywersyfikowane dostawy. Krajowe rynki gazu w regionie powinny być zintegrowane, a połączenia między systemami (interkonektory) powinny umożliwić przesył surowca w obie strony (import/export).","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132622975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rola i znaczenie Społeczeństwa Przeciwko Przemocy w aksamitnej rewolucji na Słowacji (17-29 listopada 1989 roku)","authors":"Krzysztof Żarna","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.3.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.3.9","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to present the course of the Velvet Revolution in Slovakia in the period from 17 to 29 November 1989 and to show the similarities and differences between the two movements: Civic Forum and Society Against Violence. The study is based on several assumptions. Unlike the Civic Forum in the Czech Republic, the Society Against Violence was a broad movement with a very decentralised structure, led by individuals who had no organisational experience. Secondly, the main goal of the Society Against Violence was to control power and thus it was more of a civic initiative than a political one. Thirdly, a number of differences between the Civic Forum and the Society Against Violence determined the fact that it was not possible to create a single Czechoslovak political elite. In the study, the comparative method was applied in order to indicate similarities and differences between the Civic Forum and the Society Against Violence. To analyse the political reality in Slovakia in November 1989, the decision analysis method was applied. The article uses archival materials, documents and scientific studies.","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121418093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ochrona praw mniejszości narodowych w państwach powstałych w zachodniej części byłego Związku Radzieckiego","authors":"Grzegorz Bonusiak","doi":"10.36874/riesw.2022.4.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.4.4","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the study is to present and compare the level of protection of the rights of national minorities in the states created by the break-up of the Soviet Union, along its former western border. The research covered: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova. In pursuit of the stated aim, the processes occurring in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, which resulted in migrations and significant ethnic mixing of the population, are presented. In the next step, the population of ethnic minorities in the countries covered by the study is presented. It is indicated who each of the countries in question recognises as belonging to minority groups, as well as who Russia, as heir to the former empire, recognises as minorities living in the territories in question. In the final step, the principles of protection of the rights of national minorities in the respective states were analysed. Particular attention was paid to the issue of the freedom to use and teach the language of minority groups. The research showed that the three Baltic States, after regaining their independence, started to rebuild their national identity at the expense of minority rights. However, by doing so, they are now gradually improving their status. The other three states have followed a different path by specifically trying to protect the largest Russian-speaking language group. Growing pressure from Russia seeking to rebuild its imperial position has exposed the flaws in such an arrangement, and Russian-speaking minorities have become a tool of its efforts. As a result, Belarus is on the road to losing its own distinctiveness and reintegrating, Moldova is trying to balance although gradually strengthening its national identity, while Ukraine has abruptly changed its policy since 2014 and is now diligently building its own identity at the expense, however, of minority rights.","PeriodicalId":231114,"journal":{"name":"Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej","volume":"110 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116379929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}