Мировая политика最新文献

{"title":"Features of Argentina's diplomatic activity in the XIX – XXI centuries (based on the materials of the Digital Library of Treaties of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Argentina)","authors":"A. Demidov","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.2.38070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.2.38070","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The object of the study is the foreign policy of Argentina. The subject of the study is the diplomatic activity of Buenos Aires, expressed in the conclusion of bilateral agreements. The purpose of the article is to build a picture of the development of Argentina's foreign policy based on a quantitative analysis of more than eight thousand documents contained in the Digital Library of Treaties (Biblioteca Digital de Tratados) on the web portal of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Argentina. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the general dynamics of Argentine diplomatic activity and the change of priorities in contacts with individual states and regions. Special attention is paid to the comparative dynamics of Argentina's relations with the United States, Russia, China and leading European countries in the period from 1983 to the present. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that the study of this array of documents in their entirety has not yet been conducted by domestic scientists. The article uses general scientific methods of cognition, as well as statistical analysis. The aforementioned library of treaties was used as sources, as well as the works of Argentine and domestic researchers devoted to various aspects of the subject under consideration. As a result of statistical analysis of the collection of treaties, the peculiarities of Argentina's diplomatic activity at different stages of the evolution of its foreign policy were revealed, presented in the form of diagrams and graphs. The main conclusions can be noted, firstly, a sharp increase in diplomatic activity in general and especially outside the region in the period after 1946; a tendency to increase the importance of Russia, China and Asian countries in the period after 1983; while maintaining the priority of relations with European countries under all presidents except K. Fernandez.\u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128656909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"What in store for the Iraqi-American bilateral relations with Biden in the White House?","authors":"Yakub Sabikh Dzhanabi","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.2.35850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.2.35850","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The goal of the research: attempt to find out the most important future options or possible or anticipated scenarios for Iraqi-American relations. Study methodology: the study was conducted on the basis of the descriptive and analytical method , as well as on the basis of the history curriculum that lists the historical background of the differences between Iraq and America. The research problem: Washington and Baghdad are linked by very complex and intertwining bilateral relations, seeing as Washington and Baghdad have been keen over the past years to cooperate along with achieving bilateral interests. At the same time the two countries faced a number of thorny issues that prevented this from being achieved, chiefly the rejection The US military withdrawal from Iraq, and the continuous development of Baghdad’s relations with Tehran, in addition to the continued targeting of US interests in Iraq. The limits of the study: there are the spatial limits of the research Iraq and The United States. The importance of the study: the study is based on the importance and position of Iraq within the Middle East. In addition, there is the fact that the United States is a superpower and thus the strategy and the stances it will take will have far-reaching implications for the future of Iraq. Study results: The Biden administration will seek to begin a new American approach to Iraq; perhaps in the same way as he sought during his tenure as Vice President in the Obama administration.\u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"115 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127582172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Turkey's Geopolitical interests in Sudan","authors":"Aila Telman kyzy Parlanova","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.2.36649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.2.36649","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The subject of the study is Turkish–Sudanese relations at the present stage, the object is Turkey's foreign policy strategy. The aim of the work is to identify Ankara's geopolitical goals in Sudan after the conclusion of the Suakin Island lease agreement in 2017 and to analyze the state of bilateral relations after the overthrow of Sudanese President Omar al–Bashir in 2019. Turning to primary sources, the study shows that Turkey's foreign policy in Sudan is a logical continuation of the policy of neo-Ottomanism and pan-Islamism. An analysis of political events in the region reveals that Ankara needs to consolidate in Sudan in order to weaken the positions of the President of Egypt, A. F. Al–Sisi. It is determined that in the case of the creation of a military base on the island of Suakin, near the Suez Canal, Ankara gets access to four of the seven most vulnerable logistics hubs of the World Ocean at once. In the Russian literature, this topic has been studied only in certain aspects, without a comprehensive analytical generalization, which determines the novelty of this work. The establishment of a new government in Sudan in December 2019, loyal to Saudi Arabia and Egypt, meant that Ankara's foreign policy course in Khartoum did not justify itself. A comparison of Turkey's foreign policy strategy in Somalia and Sudan reveals Ankara's main miscalculation – insufficient use of \"soft power\" tools. Nevertheless, in the Program of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Turkey for 2021, Sudan is given a separate place among potential partners. It is concluded that despite the obvious political miscalculation, Ankara still intends to promote relations with Khartoum and pursue its geopolitical interests. Consequently, East Africa and the Red Sea region play a significant role in Turkey's foreign policy. It is necessary to take this factor into account when studying and forecasting Ankara's foreign policy on the world stage. \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122484662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Turkey and Central Asia during the coronavirus pandemic","authors":"V. Avatkov, Pavel Prilepsky","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.2.36514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.2.36514","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The coronavirus pandemic has become a classic \"black swan\" and has made significant adjustments to international relations. The Republic of Turkey, considering the Central Asian region (CA) as an important direction of its foreign policy, also faced the need to respond to the challenges of the pandemic. Based on this, the subject of this article is the relations between Turkey and the Central Asian countries after the outbreak of the pandemic, as well as the identification of new foreign policy tools that Turkey has used in practice to adapt its course in Central Asia. The purpose of the study was to analyze the results of Turkish policy in the region during the designated period. Based on the review of the array of factual data, a new direction of Turkish policy towards the Central Asian countries is indicated – the promotion of the symbolic capital of the victory of the \"Turkic world\" in the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh in the autumn of 2020, as well as the attempts being made to consolidate on this basis. The analysis of cases that, according to the authors, may affect relations between Turkey and some countries of the region in the medium term is carried out. The conclusion is made about the short-term growth of Turkey's influence in the region and the potential interest of the Turks in the growth of instability in Central Asia, which the Turks are trying to use to maximize their course and discredit other external actors. \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128505470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Reaction of the world community to the reclassification of Hagia Sophia as a mosque","authors":"Y. Veselov","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.33742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.33742","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The research is a comprehensive reflection of the world community’s reaction to the reclassification of Hagia Sophia as a mosque. As a methodological base, the authors use the division of the world proposed by Samuel Phillips Huntington. Along with the analysis of international connections, the article includes discussions about the division of the world, desecularization, and the growth of authoritarianism based on the example of the modern Republic of Turkey under the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The authors give special attention to the urgent problem of a dialogue between religions - the reaction of the heads of religious institutions. It’s also noteworthy that in order to provide a comprehensive review of Mass Media, the authors use sources in 18 languages including Russian, and those translated by the author. The uniqueness of this research is determined by the absence of a relevant comprehensive reflection (as a manifestation of the reaction of the world community) of this event in the Russian scientific discourse. The main conclusion of this research is the assertion of the reappearance of Neo-Ottomanism, which, in its turn, proves the reality of the transformation of the world order from the unipolar to the multipolar one. The authors find out that Saudi Arabia and Egypt consider themselves as the key geopolitical rivals of Turkey, as these Muslim countries were among the few ones which reacted negatively to this domestic political decision. The research also shows that in general, international Mass Media have professionally covered Erdogan’s decision and outlined the rational reasons along with the religious factor: the aspiration of the ruling elite to distract the attention of the public from negative economic effects of the pandemic, and make the political in-fighting work in their favor. \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128816232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Promising directions of development and intensification of international cooperation in the field of international cyber security","authors":"Inna O. Yanikeeva","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37532","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article considers the current prospects of concluding a binding cyber-agreement about a wide range of questions of international cyber security in the context of the lack of mutual confidence between states and the striving of some countries to use their technological advantages to dominate in the digital sphere. The author considers such aspects of the topic as the potential of collective resistance of states to digital threats by taking measures aimed at the strengthening of confidence and the creation of a cyber weapons control system. Special attention is given to the consideration of objections against the international binding cyber-agreement. The author analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of coordinating measures aimed at strengthening confidence and the creation of a cyber weapons control system. The main conclusion of the research is that most objections against the international binding agreement, including the problems of rapid technological change, fail under close examination. The author’s special contribution to the study of the application of a case analysis for the detection of agreements suitable for the development of a cyber-agreement according to such parameters as the conclusion of as agreement despite the problem of attribution and high speed of technological changes, and in spite of the opinion that it is too early to sign an international treaty regulating actions in this or that sphere until new technologies are used for a certain amount of time. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the comprehensive analysis of the possibility to conclude a cyber-agreement and create a cyber weapons control system, which will allow proposing the ways to overcome contradictions and conclude a global complex cyber agreement and create a global cyber weapons control system. \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"123 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133332500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Development of the mineral resource complex as an increase in the geopolitical status of Russia","authors":"A. P. Albertyan","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37713","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The state of the mineral resource complex is one of the foundations of the functioning and development of Russia in the context of the global geopolitical struggle. The geopolitical status of the state today largely depends on how the country will be able to respond to the challenges associated with the depletion of traditional mining areas and the beginning of a new stage of energy transition. In this article, the author provides an overview of the mineral resource complex of Russia, and also analyzes the dependence of the geopolitical status on the state of the mineral resource complex. According to the results of the study, the author concludes that the mineral resource potential of Russia, although it is one of the largest in the world, at the same time, there is a problem of shortage of certain types of minerals (manganese, chromium, titanium, bauxite, zirconium, beryllium, lithium, rhenium, rare earths of the yttrium group, hydrofluoric spar, bentonites for foundry production, feldspar raw materials, kaolin, large-leaf muscovite, iodine, bromine) and the country's dependence on imports. The deficit is caused by both the growth of consumption of certain types of minerals, and low quality, as well as poor development of some domestic deposits. In order to successfully develop Russia, the country needs to increase the volume and improve the quality of the mineral resource base that can meet the demand of high-tech and technological sectors of the economy (military-industrial complex, dual-use systems, medicine, etc.).Increasing the volume and improving the quality of the country's mineral resource base is possible due to the development of new areas and the search for new, high-quality deposits of strategic and scarce mineral raw materials. In this connection, the author examines in detail the cooperation in the field of mineral resources development in the Republic of Kazakhstan, in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, as well as with the People's Republic of China. In carrying out this research, the author applied the methods of content analysis, historical and systemic.\u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"122 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131606053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The US Indo-Pacific Strategy and the Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex: development, relations and prospects","authors":"Y. Wu","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37701","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The subject of the study is the development, connections and prospects of the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States and the Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex. The object of the study is the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States and the Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex. In the theory of regional security complexes by B. Buzan and O.Vever, superpowers influence regional complexes and form them through the mechanism of \"penetration\". In today's multipolar world, it is extremely difficult for superpowers to fully penetrate the security system of a complex, but superpowers can still influence the internal structure of regional security complexes. Being the only superpower in the world after the Cold War, the United States plays an extremely important external role in promoting the emerging and developing Indo-Pacific regional security complex. This article, based on the theory of regional security complexes, analyzes the interaction of the United States, as an extraterritorial superpower, with the Indo-Pacific Security Complex, examines the impact of the Indo-Pacific Security Strategy on the region, and also explores the possibility of the United States achieving the ultimate goal of maintaining a hegemonic position through \"penetration\" into the Indo-Pacific security complex. The US Indo-Pacific strategy looks innovative, but in fact it is only a continuation and extension of the traditional Asia-Pacific strategy. Although it is difficult to ignore the role of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy in the formation of the security complex in the Indo-Pacific region, the internal forces of the complex and the laws of the development of the complex itself also lead to the fact that the implementation of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy faces great difficulties.\u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126781092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The internal causes of Iraqi political instability after 2003","authors":"Yakub Sabikh Dzhanabi","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.35548","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.35548","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This research topic is discussed in order to analyze the phenomenon of political instability in Iraq after 2003, in terms of the basic concept, origins and mechanisms of its resolution. There is a large variety of objects that can be researched. Firstly, the objective of subjectivity: It is linked to my, the researcher's, desire to discuss the phenomenon of political instability in Iraq after 2003 as part of my particular specialization in Iraqi affairs. Secondly, there are scientific objectives. I feel that there is insufficient research and analysis regarding this topic. Thirdly, impartial objectives: I seek to find effective resolutions to the political instability phenomenon, which has continued to have a negative impact on quality of life for Iraqis. The results of this research should be placed in the hands of political decision makers as it presents some feasible solutions that could help leaders choose the best path forward to resolve this phenomenon. Syllabus: The study was conducted on the basis of a systemic analytical approach based on inputs and outputs. Problem: The main concern of this work is the answer to the following questions: What led to political instability in Iraq after 2003? the novelty of the study lies in the fact that, they are aimed at the root of most of Iraq's problems. The study time frame is from 2003 to the present. The spatial framework of research is the country of Iraq.\u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129550518","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The concept of \"Indo-Pacifica\" in the context of international region building","authors":"D. Kuznetsov, Grigorii Andreevich Grachevskii","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37605","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37605","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article examines the concept of Indo-Pacifica as a functional international political region in the process of formation. Based on the concept of regional construction by I. Neumann, an attempt is made to identify the main actors interested in its creation, the ratio of their interests. States continue to put forward their own interpretations and visions of what Indo-Pacifica should include both in terms of geographical boundaries and in terms of its \"ideological\" content, norms and rules of conduct within its prospective boundaries. The purpose of the article is to determine the correlation of interests, motivation of the actors involved and to identify groups of approaches, as well as prospects for their implementation. With the help of a discourse analysis of the approaches of different countries, their characteristic features are highlighted, on the basis of which the approaches are divided into two groups - exclusive and inclusive. The evolution of the discourse around Indo-Pacifica is shown, which is connected with the evolution of the concept itself. A change in the position of some of the actors from a neutral/negative attitude to a willingness to support a new concept was revealed. The correlation of cooperation and competition in the \"under construction\" region is assessed. Internal and external factors of Indo-Pacifica formation are determined. The role of identity is assessed. Politically motivated confrontation and competition of projects is an integral part of regional construction in the Indo-Pacific region. Currently, within its potential borders, there is a struggle between the approaches of various States, which are thus trying to reorient the region to achieve their goals. The practical content, i.e. the nature of the international political processes taking place in the region, will also depend on which vision will eventually become dominant. The world-political significance of the ITR concept for Russia is assessed, as well as its prospects in general. \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130563783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}