土耳其在苏丹的地缘政治利益

Aila Telman kyzy Parlanova
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摘要

本文研究的主题是现阶段土耳其与苏丹的关系,研究对象是土耳其的外交政策战略。这项工作的目的是确定2017年签订苏瓦金岛租赁协议后安卡拉在苏丹的地缘政治目标,并分析2019年苏丹总统奥马尔·巴希尔被推翻后的双边关系状况。研究表明,土耳其在苏丹的外交政策是新奥斯曼主义和泛伊斯兰主义政策的合乎逻辑的延续。对该地区政治事件的分析表明,安卡拉需要巩固在苏丹的地位,以削弱埃及总统a.f. Al-Sisi的地位。在苏伊士运河附近的苏瓦金岛上建立军事基地的情况下,安卡拉已经确定可以同时进入世界海洋七个最脆弱的后勤中心中的四个。在俄罗斯文献中,这一主题仅在某些方面进行了研究,没有进行全面的分析概括,这决定了本文的新颖性。2019年12月,忠于沙特阿拉伯和埃及的苏丹新政府成立,这意味着安卡拉在喀土穆的外交政策路线没有自圆其说。比较一下土耳其在索马里和苏丹的外交政策战略,就会发现安卡拉的主要误判——没有充分利用“软实力”工具。然而,在土耳其共和国2021年外交政策计划中,苏丹在潜在合作伙伴中占有单独的地位。结论是,尽管存在明显的政治误判,安卡拉仍打算促进与喀土穆的关系,追求其地缘政治利益。因此,东非和红海区域在土耳其的外交政策中发挥着重要作用。在研究和预测安卡拉在世界舞台上的外交政策时,有必要考虑到这一因素。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Turkey's Geopolitical interests in Sudan
The subject of the study is Turkish–Sudanese relations at the present stage, the object is Turkey's foreign policy strategy. The aim of the work is to identify Ankara's geopolitical goals in Sudan after the conclusion of the Suakin Island lease agreement in 2017 and to analyze the state of bilateral relations after the overthrow of Sudanese President Omar al–Bashir in 2019. Turning to primary sources, the study shows that Turkey's foreign policy in Sudan is a logical continuation of the policy of neo-Ottomanism and pan-Islamism. An analysis of political events in the region reveals that Ankara needs to consolidate in Sudan in order to weaken the positions of the President of Egypt, A. F. Al–Sisi. It is determined that in the case of the creation of a military base on the island of Suakin, near the Suez Canal, Ankara gets access to four of the seven most vulnerable logistics hubs of the World Ocean at once. In the Russian literature, this topic has been studied only in certain aspects, without a comprehensive analytical generalization, which determines the novelty of this work. The establishment of a new government in Sudan in December 2019, loyal to Saudi Arabia and Egypt, meant that Ankara's foreign policy course in Khartoum did not justify itself. A comparison of Turkey's foreign policy strategy in Somalia and Sudan reveals Ankara's main miscalculation – insufficient use of "soft power" tools. Nevertheless, in the Program of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Turkey for 2021, Sudan is given a separate place among potential partners. It is concluded that despite the obvious political miscalculation, Ankara still intends to promote relations with Khartoum and pursue its geopolitical interests. Consequently, East Africa and the Red Sea region play a significant role in Turkey's foreign policy. It is necessary to take this factor into account when studying and forecasting Ankara's foreign policy on the world stage.
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