Мировая политика最新文献

{"title":"The concept of the \"Indo-Pacific region\" and the \"Indo-Pacific Strategy\" of the USA: formation, development and Chinese views","authors":"Y. Wu","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.35735","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.35735","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The regional concept - \"Indo-Pacific region\" has become a popular topic for research in modern international politics with the active promotion of four countries (USA, Japan, India and Australia). The Indo-Pacific strategy championed by the US Trump administration is the most significant among them and has strengthened the use of the emerging regional term \"Indo-Pacific region\". After the trade war, relations between China and the United States deteriorated, and Sino-American relations have become one of the most important relations in the field of international relations in this century, and the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States, developed under Trump, remains one of the concrete manifestations of the Sino-American great power game. This article explains the evolution of the concept of the \"Indo-Pacific region\", and the formation and development of the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States, as well as explains the fundamental goals of the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States and the structural conflict in the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region through generalizing the views and opinions of Chinese academia about the U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific region.     The strategy and policy of the United States in the Indo-Pacific region pursues the main goal of maintaining US hegemony, and this is also closely related to the rise of the PRC. Massive military commitments and a large number of US armed forces in the Indo-Pacific region and the growth of the military power of the PRC will become the most central contradiction in the geopolitical structural conflict between the PRC and the USA in this region. The US military policy in this region will cause discontent of the PRC and even regional conflicts, but at the same time it should be noted that due to the firm strategic determination of the PRC, the PRC's own economic development and the limitations of internal factors of the USA, the US Indo-Pacific strategy will not hinder the peaceful growth of the PRC in this region.\u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133820929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"International presence in Ukraine in the context of the triangle \"Ukraine-Turkey-Russia\"","authors":"V. Chmyreva","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37419","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The subject of the study is the peculiarities of Ukraine's foreign policy development at the present stage in the context of the triangle \"Ukraine-Turkey-Russia\". The paper shows that Ukraine is currently a zone of growing international presence: the involvement of a wide range of participants in the region in the person of international state and non-state actors, the actual internationalization of the Ukrainian transport and logistics system and port infrastructure, strengthening state sovereignty and increasing the country's defense capability through the implementation of extensive programs of financial support from Western partners – evidence systemic and long-term processes that directly affect the interests of the Russian Federation. The role of the Turkish factor in Ukraine is studied through the prism of Turkish-Ukrainian relations and Ukrainian Euro-Atlantic integration. The balance of Turkey's relations with Ukraine and Russia is shown. The analysis of the possibilities of Turkish mediation in de-escalation of relations between Russia-Ukraine and Russia-NATO is given. The relevance of the research topic is determined by the current tense international situation and military-political escalation in the region. The source base of the work includes normative-legislative acts, sources of normative-reporting and informational nature, journalistic sources. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the involvement of the corpus of the latest sources, the original perspective of the study and the theoretical and methodological approach. As a result of the analysis and on the basis of up-to-date factual information, the author concludes that despite Kiev's active support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine and the growth of military-technical cooperation between the countries, Turkey is not interested in the Ukrainian-Russian confrontation. Military escalation will create risks for the Turkish Republic of direct involvement in conflict relations between NATO and the Russian Federation and will deprive it of the opportunity to become an \"independent center\" of political influence in the region. At the same time, it is emphasized that Turkish mediation and the internationalization of the Ukrainian issue can contribute to de-escalating tensions and strengthening the foreign policy positions of the Russian Federation. \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"39 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131514420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"“Digital Geopolitics” in the Regional Context: Challenges and Prospects of the European Union on its Way towards Information Sovereignty","authors":"N. Kovalevskaia, Maria Anatolievna Tikhotskaia, Y. Shevchenko","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.36957","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.36957","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The COVID-19 pandemic and the coronacrisis have clearly exposed the strong dependence of modern companies on data governance, the stability of information networks and digitalisation and significantly strengthened the Europeans' belief in the need to achieve strategic autonomy in the development of their own digital solutions. The article aims to define the place of the European Union in the international information and communication space in the context of global data governance policy. The methodology is based on the principles of the multi-paradigm method used for extrapolating some provisions of Robert Gilpin’s hegemonic stability theory on the modern technological competition among the countries on the international arena through a regional approach. The article considers the term “information sovereignty” based on the principles of international law within a constantly changing international environment. The research addresses such documents as “A New Industrial Strategy for Europe”, “A European Strategy for Data”, and the decision of the European Court of Justice concerning the transatlantic Privacy Shield agreement. As an example of the European digital policy, it examines the ambitious GAIA-X project designed to create an open digital ecosystem and common requirements for a European data infrastructure. The article formulates the recommendations in order to ensure effective governance in the digital sector and proposes a multi-stakeholder model, which would help achieve information sovereignty based on European values and ideals.\u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"92 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124650388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Eurasian Economic Union: comparing the target and the actual models","authors":"A. Yanik","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.36708","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.36708","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article contains the results of research held within the project “Monitoring of integration processes in EEU”. Based on the analysis of a wide range of sources, the authors compare the key characteristics of the target model of the Eurasian Economic Union, and the current state of things, and the summarized results are represented in the table.  To solve the research tasks, the authors use general scientific research methods: analysis, synthesis, hypothesizing, and various comparative approaches. The authors note the reasonability of assessing the processes of Eurasian integration as compared to the models of the EU, since the elements of institutional similarity allow fixing the essential differences more precisely, and taking into account the positive and negative experience of the EU helps improve the Eurasian project management. The comparison of the target and actual characteristics allows concluding about the differences between the strategic concept and the current state of the model of Eurasian integration. When considering the factors influencing the slowdown in moving towards the target model of the EEU, the authors give special attention to the situation causing the risks of achieving the political limits of economic integration and the disruption of the cost-benefits trade-off. The authors conclude that integration, based only on economic mechanisms, causes the risks reducing its stability in a crisis situation, therefore it is necessary to further develop the confidence mechanisms, strengthen the role of legal integration, and extend cooperation based on the package agreements mechanism. The effective use of a package agreements mechanism helps to unite the isolated national strategies for the mutual benefits of participation to outweigh the expenses of each participant.  \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130257540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Iran’s turn to the East: assessment of the Caucasian and Central-Asian policy of Ebrahim Raisi’s administration","authors":"Başaran Ayar","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.37250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.37250","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article considers the Caucasian and Central-Asian policy of the new administration of Ebrahim Raisi in Iran. It’s already clear that the Eurasian region has become a priority of Iran’s diplomacy, and President Raisi has been demonstrating these changes during the first year at the helm. The author uses comparative methodology to outline the differences from the previous administration’s policy. The research methodology is based on the theory of the constructivist school of international relations which focuses on the ideological level and analysis of actors during the decision-making process. The purpose of the research is to study the changes in international politics which have already made the new administration follow the new approach focusing on the Eurasian policy.  The author believes that the reasons for such a transformation are: 1) Tehran’s will to reconsider the central role of nuclear treatments as a core of its foreign policy; 2) the economic crisis in the country which makes Iran’s politicians search for alternative markets and partners; 3) an aspiration to escape the international isolation, and the importance of Eurasian bilateral and intergovernmental relations; 4) the change of threats perception by Tehran caused by the recent events in the Caucasus and Afghanistan. The author supposes that the combined impact of these factors has made Raisi’s administration consider Eurasia as Iran’s foreign policy priority, and if this trend continues, we’ll see a more balanced approach in the future, unlike the previous periods, when relations with the West and events in the Middle East defined the central line of Iran’s policy.   \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127999128","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Radicalization of the rightwing in France: from the failure of the European constitution and “La Manif Pour Tous” to Éric Zemmour","authors":"E. Osipov","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.36991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.36991","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The author of the article uses the newest French scientific literature, Mass Media materials and analytical research of social organizations to study the evolution of the process of polarization of political life in France and radicalization of the rightwing, in which moderate ideas give way to the rightist ones. The failure of the European constitution referendum in 2005, the legalization of same-sex marriage by the French Parliament in 2013, François Fillon’s victory in the primaries of the rightists and the centrists in 2016 - are the crucial steps in the process of radicalization of the rightwing in France. The author gives special attention to Éric Zemmour’s ideas and his role in the modern political system of the Fifth Republic. Zemmour intentionally puts the question of preservation of national and religious identity of France and the problem of the spread of Islam in the country to the centre of political discussion, adding the islamophobia issue to the Marine Le Pen’s arabophobia and trying to make a new core of France’s political life out of the confrontation of the moderate and the radical ideas, as it was with the struggle of the rightwing and the leftwing before 2017. Zemmour has no chances to win the 2022 election, and his participation is questionable, however the popularity of his ideas can lead to the formation of a new pole of France’s politics as a result of the 2022 election - Identitarian, conservative and Catholic.   \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114666010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Characteristics of the Nordic right-wing populism","authors":"Aleksandar Filipović","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.35332","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.35332","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The last two decades have seen the rise of right-wing parties in Europe, spurred among other things by a series of crises, the latest of which being the ongoing COVID-19 global pandemic. Finland, Sweden, Norway and Denmark did not find themselves isolated from the political and socio-economic shocks and aftershocks of such events, and right-wing populist parties and movements belonging to the Nordic region have also gained strength, sometimes even being a part of governments. However, these parties have certain characteristics that distinguish them from their counterparts in the rest of the Europe, given the specific social, political, economic and historical context of the region. Such traits can be listed as welfare chauvinism, right-wing egalitarianism, authoritarian positions on sociocultural issues, and populist, anti-establishment drive. At the same time, these parties have demonstrated their high pragmatism and ability for adaptation to the current political situation in their countries. In this work a quick overview is presented of the principles of four major right-wing parties in the Nordic region (The Finns Party, Sweden Democrats, Norwegian Progress Party, and Danish People’s Party), and the differences and similarities in their motivations are discussed.\u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"65 12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116037391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Fight against poverty in China in the context of the idea of Community of Common Destiny for Mankind in 2013 - 2020","authors":"A. Boyarkina","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2021.3.34893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.3.34893","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The goal of the research is to study the fight against poverty in China in the context of Xi Jinping’s concept of Community of Common Destiny for Mankind after his coming to power in 2013. The tasks of the research are: 1) to demonstrate the process of fight against poverty in China within a doctrinal approach with the “fine control is the basis” theory, a new model of fighting against poverty with the Chinese specificity, and other political and economic tools; 2) to consider the institutional approach to the fight against poverty in China and at a global scale; 3) to study the Community of Common Destiny for Mankind concept as a global “drive” of the fight against poverty in the form of interaction with international institutions. The research subject is the political, economic, and social tools of the fight against poverty in China in 2013 - 2020. There is ample debate about eradication of poverty in China, Russia and other countries of the regional dimension, both in Russian and foreign scientific communities, aimed at studying its origins, approaches to its measurement, its socio-economic consequences, the process of the fight against poverty in the context of COVID-19 isolation period, etc. In this context, the author's special contribution to the research of this issue is the consideration of the problem of poverty in China and in the world within the concept “Community of Common Destiny for Mankind”. It hasn’t been studied sufficiently enough in Russia yet. The author arrives at the conclusion that the idea of the Community of Common Destiny for Mankind ensures an effective and positive result of solving the problem of the fight against poverty in various regions of China and in the world.  \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126441302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Liberal world order and economic coercion in modern foreign policy of the U.S.","authors":"Oğuz Alperen Turhan","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2021.3.35105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.3.35105","url":null,"abstract":"The article studies the evolution of liberal world order within the framework of conventional directions of the U.S.’ foreign policy. The purpose of this work is to reveal the peculiarities of development of the U.S.’ foreign policy in terms of liberal world order. For this purpose, the U.S.’ foreign policy is considered through the prism of Walter Russel Mead’s “four schools of American foreign policy”. The author analyzes the development and transformation of liberalism in the context of using economic coercion in the U.S.’ foreign policy. The article also considers the topical problems of development of the liberal world order faced by the realist and liberal paradigms. Representatives of both groups realize the failure of the liberal world order, but offer different strategies of defining the U.S.’ foreign policy course. Representatives of the liberal paradigm believe that the liberal world order entered a phase of self-destruction because of accelerated integration of unequal states in a single system. Realists, in their turn, claim that transformations in the structure of the global system determine the functionality of the liberal world order. Specifically, the revisionist position of Russia and China is a reaction to the imposed principles, and serves as a basis for the transition to the multipolar system. Thus, conflicts of interest between the parties cause the use of measures of coercion.","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114945561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"On the issue of the synthesis of geopolitics and racialism in the early days of contemporary history","authors":"R. A. Abdurazakov","doi":"10.25136/2409-8671.2021.3.35146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.3.35146","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The purpose of the research is the consideration of the problem of synthesis of racialism and geopolitics in the late 19th - the early 20th century and the substantiation of such a new concept in geopolitics as geopolitical racialism which hasn’t been used before neither in Russian nor in foreign science. To solve this task, the author applies the fundamental geopolitical dualism methods to the analysis of supremacist and imperialist mindset typical for scientific and sociopolitical life in Britain and the U.S. of the considered period, which became a core for the formation of Anglo-Saxon exceptionality, and formed the basis for the foreign policy of these states. The author arrives at the conclusion that until recently, Anglo-Saxonism was considered as a result of the Western elites’ fascination with the ideas of social Darwinism rather than as a geopolitical form of racism, since its analysis was mostly based on the peculiarities of “blood and descendance” of Anglo-Saxon peoples rather than on their “thalassocratic nature” or the influence of natural and climatic factors on their development. The differentiating feature of continental geopolitics was, vice versa, not only distancing from social Darwinism, but also the repudiation of the possibility of ultimate victory in the struggle between the West and the East. Theoretical and practical importance of the research consists in the fact that based on the analysis of the works of the Western authors of the late 19th - the early 20th centuries, both already known and left out in the cold, the author substantiates the definition and characteristics of geopolitical racism in its Anglo-Saxon variant, upholding the supremacy of maritime powers (thalassocracies) over land powers (tellurocracies) predefined by geographical factors, which in many aspects predetermined the development of the Western geopolitical mindset in contemporary history. \u0000","PeriodicalId":207032,"journal":{"name":"Мировая политика","volume":"293 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132241391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}