Japanese Military Sexual Slavery最新文献

{"title":"The Japanese Secret: The Shame Behind Japan’s Longstanding Denial of Its War Crime against Korean Comfort Girls-Women","authors":"A. Son","doi":"10.1515/9783110643480-016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110643480-016","url":null,"abstract":"In this chapter, I argue that shame is behind Japan’s longstanding denial of their war crimes against Korean comfort girls-women. I propose that Japan’s refusal to acknowledge guilt in enslaving Korean girls and forcing them to work as sex slaves is not simply a claim of innocence on their part, but that it also reveals the deep sense of shame associated with such an atrocity. They inadvertently employ guilt language to cover up their own sense of shame, thus creating the Japanese secret. Japan’s inability to embrace its own sense of shame will be analyzed by consulting Heinz Kohut’s self psychology and Gershen Kaufman’s discussion on defenses against shame. In addition, I will argue that Sonyeosang (the Statue of Peace), a major display of activism by the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan, stands to adjudicate Japan’s effort to conceal its own shame and guilt for enacting utter violence against Korean comfort girls-women and violating their human dignity. Before I get into the substantive part of my chapter, I want to note that I created the term comfort girls-women to replace the widely used term “comfort women,” often placed inside quotation marks. This term has three significant aspects: (1) the italics signify that the word, comfort, has a different meaning—sexual slavery—than its usual meaning in the term “comfort women” of entertaining and providing pleasure to men; (2) the addition of the word girl underscores the young age of the victims who were put into sexual slavery; and (3) the word woman reflects the long period—about three quarters of a century—that they endured without a satisfactory resolution to their situation. In addition, it is critical to note that I make the distinction between Japanese people and the Japanese government and that the scope of this work does not apply to Japanese people and is limited to the actions of the Japanese government. Moreover, when I refer to the Japanese government, I am aware that not everyone associated with the Japanese government agrees with and/or holds the same position of denying the guilt of the Japanese government for its horrific violation and violence to Korean comfort girls-women and I limit the scope of this discussion as appli-","PeriodicalId":184780,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Military Sexual Slavery","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132434261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Looking Back at 10 Years of the “Comfort Women” Movement in the U.S.","authors":"Phyllis Kim","doi":"10.1515/9783110643480-010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110643480-010","url":null,"abstract":"When Kim Hak-sun, a survivor of the Japanese military sexual slavery system, broke her silence in 1991 and spoke to the media about the terrible experiences she and other women went through under the Japanese military during World War II, it encouraged many other women to break their own silence and start a movement to recover their honor and dignity, and moved the world to recognize that “Rape during war is a crime against humanity.” Soon after Kim’s press conference, support groups and advocacy organizations in other Asian countries where women had been victimized by the Japanese military during the Asian-Pacific War and World War II formed an international solidarity network, led by the Korean Grandmas (Korean survivors of Japanese military sexual slavery are commonly referred to as “comfort women victim grandmothers” in South Korea, but I will use the term “Korean Grandmas” in this chapter) and The Korean Council for the Women Drafted for the Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (hereafter, The Korean Council). The Korean Grandmas, who bravely came out and registered with the South Korean government as victims of the “comfort women” system, began a weekly demonstration every Wednesday, which is still ongoing—the world’s longest running demonstration in the Guinness Book of World Records—in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul since early 1992. Soon after the groundbreaking testimony by Kim, the Japanese government conducted an investigation and issued the Kōno Statement, a landmark apology announced by then-Chief Cabinet Secretary Kōno Yōhei in 1993. Although Mr. Kōno acknowledged the Japanese military’s involvement in the “comfort women” atrocity and expressed apology for it, the statement stopped short of acknowledging the Japanese government’s responsibility for creating and operating the system of military sexual slavery, and the apology was neither ratified by the Japanese Diet nor was it an official Cabinet decision. Following the Kōno Statement, the Japanese government set up a charity foundation called the Asian Women’s Fund in 1995, which collected donations from private Japanese citizens and corporations and dubbed it “atonement money.” The Japanese government made sure this money was not a legal compensation, which would signify the government’s acceptance of legal responsibility for this war crime. Many victims rejected the money, saying that this hush money was only an insult. In 2000,","PeriodicalId":184780,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Military Sexual Slavery","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117100493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Editors’ Bios","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/9783110643480-019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110643480-019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":184780,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Military Sexual Slavery","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132627609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Making Girl Victims Visible: A Survey of Representations That Have Circulated in the West","authors":"M. Stetz","doi":"10.1515/9783110643480-012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110643480-012","url":null,"abstract":"In a 2017 volume of essays titled The Big Push, the feminist political scientist Cynthia Enloe reminds readers of the importance of language in shaping thought and, therefore, in shaping governmental and non-governmental policy-making in the field of human rights. She draws her example from recent controversies over the plight of refugees from the conflict in Syria—controversies, as she points out, that have also involved the subject of so-called “child marriage” in refugee communities. That very way of naming the problem affects both attitudes toward it and the kinds of initiatives being proposed, for by “adopting the phrase ‘child marriages,’ one is suggesting that boys are just as likely as girls to be married while still in their childhood, and this is not true”1; instead, as she makes clear, “in reality, these are not ‘child marriages.’ They are girl marriages.”2 Why does this matter? As Enloe asserts, “[e]ach of us helps to sustain patriarchal ideas and practices when we hide the workings of gendered inequities behind a curtain of ungendered language,” and this has significant consequences in terms of action or inaction, as well as in terms of who will ultimately benefit or lose out.3 Almost from the first moment when, in the early 1990s, reports began appearing in the West about the organized system of war crimes that were committed against Asian women during the Second World War by the Japanese Imperial Army, this subject has been inextricably bound up with the issue of language, and of what language makes visible or invisible. On 28 November 2014, the online Bloomberg News reported that the Yomiuri Shimbun—one of the major national daily newspapers published in Japan—had just issued an apology to its readers for using “the term ‘sex slaves’ in stories about Asian women trafficked to Japanese military brothels before and during World War II.”4 That same U.S.","PeriodicalId":184780,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Military Sexual Slavery","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127819583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Unfulfilled Justice: Human Rights Restoration for the Victims of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery","authors":"Mee-hyang Yoon","doi":"10.1515/9783110643480-004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110643480-004","url":null,"abstract":"In April 2010, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Rashida Manjoo, submitted a report to the UN, in which she wrote, “[t]he single most organized and well-documented movement for reparations for women is that for the so-called ‘comfort women.’” The Special Rapporteur reminded the international body that the victims of the “comfort women” system have long demanded an official apology: “Since the late 1980s, survivors have come forward to bear witness and mobilize international public opinion, asking for an official apology and reparation.” She further noted, “As victims of sexual crimes, they do not want to receive financial aid without an official apology and official recognition of State responsibility.” Rashida Manjoo made the point clear that there remained an unmet demand for legal justice for the victims of the “comfort women” in her report.2 On 6 August 2014, Navi Pillay, then UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, issued a statement, arguing that “[t]his is not an issue relegated to history. It is a current issue, as human rights violations against these women continue to occur as long as their rights to justice and reparation are not realized.” The former High Commissioner reaffirmed the victims’ rights to legal reparations and demanded the Japanese government stand accountable for the issue.3 Notwithstanding that the “comfort women” system was an organized and systematic crime forcefully carried out by the Japanese military, on 28 December 2015, the governments of South Korea and Japan announced that the issue was","PeriodicalId":184780,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Military Sexual Slavery","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128521669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Japanese Far-Right Activities in the United States and at the United Nations: Conflict and Coordination between Japanese Government and Fringe Groups","authors":"Emi Koyama","doi":"10.1515/9783110643480-014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110643480-014","url":null,"abstract":"“Japanese consul general: Brookhaven memorial is ‘symbol of hatred’” stated the headline of an article published on 23 June 2017 by Reporter Newspapers, the publisher of several local newspapers in Georgia, a mere week before the planned unveiling of a “comfort women” memorial in Brookhaven, a suburb of Atlanta, Georgia. Citing a recorded interview with Shinozuka Takashi, Japan’s Consulate General for Atlanta, journalist Dyana Bagby reported that Shinozuka not only stated that the memorial dedicated to the victims of WWII-era Japanese military sexual slavery was a “symbol of hatred,” but also argued that “there is ‘no evidence’ that the military sexually enslaved women,” and that the women were, in fact, “paid prostitutes.” This shocking statement was a testament to how far Japan’s organized effort to distort history and attack victims and survivors of Japan’s wartime atrocities had advanced. After Shinozuka’s comment received widespread condemnation from across the world, he and the Japanese government clarified that the Consulate General had not actually used the phrase “paid prostitutes.” But in the recording released online by Bagby, Shinozuka can be heard stating that “in Asian culture, in some countries, we have girls who decide to go to take this job to help their family.” In the context, “this job” clearly refers to voluntary forms of prostitution, so Bagby was correct to interpret his statement as arguing that “comfort women” were voluntary “paid prostitutes.” Shinozuka was, of course, not criticized for using the specific phrase “paid prostitute” but for negating the historical fact that many women and girls were forced to serve as “comfort women” under various combinations of force, fraud, coercion, or debt bondage, and for suggesting that these “girls,” as Shinozuka calls them, voluntarily became “comfort women” as a career choice. I was shocked not by the fact that someone like Shinozuka holds such a repugnant view, which I already know that many Japanese officials share, but by the increasing boldness of the Japanese government, where officials no longer even feel the need to conceal their true feelings on this issue. This is an important shift that has taken place over the last several years during which I have","PeriodicalId":184780,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Military Sexual Slavery","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129483309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Documenting War Atrocities Against Women: Newly Discovered Japanese Military Files in Jilin Provincial Archives","authors":"P. Qiu","doi":"10.1515/9783110643480-015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110643480-015","url":null,"abstract":"Since the “comfort women”1 redress movement arose in the late 1980s, history revisionists in Japan have continuously denied the forcible drafting of hundreds of thousands of “comfort women” and the torture these women suffered at the hands of the Imperial Japanese forces. Despite ample historical materials and victims’ testimonies confirming the crimes, Japanese officials insist that no evidence has been found to prove the existence of the sexual slavery in the Japanese military. At the same time, the Japanese government continues supporting efforts to remove the “comfort women” memorials and information concerning the issue in history textbooks. Facing the steadfast revisionist campaigns, Chinese researchers have put great effort into archival research in recent years and unearthed new evidence for the Imperial Japanese military’s direct involvement in setting up the “comfort women” system. This paper discusses the dedicated work and research findings of the Jilin Provincial Archives.2 These findings show undeniably that the “comfort women” system was implemented by the Japanese nation-state to further its aggression in Asia; that women from Japan and its colony were drafted into the “comfort stations” under Japan’s “National Mobilization Law;” that a large number of Chinese women in occupied areas were enslaved in the Japanese military “comfort stations;” and that the Japanese military authorities had purposely concealed information regarding the “comfort women” even before the war ended.","PeriodicalId":184780,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Military Sexual Slavery","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131238196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Building the San Francisco Memorial: Why the Issue of the ‘Comfort Women’ is Still Relevant Today?","authors":"Judith Mirkinson","doi":"10.1515/9783110643480-009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110643480-009","url":null,"abstract":"time occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from the 1930s through the duration of World War II; and WHEREAS, During the 15 years of invasion and occupation of Asian countries, unspeakable and well-documented war-crimes, including mass rape, wholesale massacres, heinous tor-ture, and other atrocities, were committed by the Japanese Imperial Army throughout the occupied countries and colonies; and WHEREAS, Of the few top Japanese military leaders who were investigated and convicted as war criminals in the postwar War Crime Tribunals in Tokyo, Nanjing, Manila, Yokohama, and Khabarovsk, many escaped prosecution; and ends: BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the Board of Supervisors of the City and County of San Francisco during the 70 th anniversary of the end of World War II expresses its strong support of creating a public memorial in memory of those girls and women who suffered immeasurable pain and humiliation as sex slaves and as a sacred place for remembrance, re-flection, remorsefulness, and atonement for generations to come. ⁶","PeriodicalId":184780,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Military Sexual Slavery","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126623173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}