Journal of Global Faultlines最新文献

{"title":"Vaccine nationalism: Competition, EU parochialism, and COVID-19","authors":"B. Kampmark, P. Kurečić","doi":"10.13169/jglobfaul.9.1.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/jglobfaul.9.1.0009","url":null,"abstract":"This paper considers the forms of vaccine nationalism specific to responses to SARS-CoV-2. First, it considers the initial vaccine responses to SARS-CoV-2 and how the competition unfolded in a broader, global sense. The second part considers the way the European Union adopted its own type of nationalism, despite claiming to distinguish itself as more humanitarian and equitable in approaching COVID-19 vaccine production, supply, and distribution. The creation of the export control mechanism, and the threat of its use, was itself an expression of Euro-nationalism in action. The need to do so was largely a product of the EU’s own making, given its own contractual relationships with the pharmaceutical companies. Finally, this paper contends that the advocacy for vaccine passports, championed by the EU, served to cause parochial ruptures in the bloc for commercial reasons.","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121492798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Has the COVID-19 pandemic manoeuvred policing in England and Wales towards a single national police organisation?","authors":"Duckworth","doi":"10.13169/JGLOBFAUL.8.1.0114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/JGLOBFAUL.8.1.0114","url":null,"abstract":"In 2005, Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabularies, Sir Denis O’Connor, reported that structural change to the existing system of 43 forces in England and Wales was necessary, not just desirable (HMIC, 2005). He stated, “Re-configuring for better protection of, and connection with, the public, needs to be seen as part of a package of police reform for this century” (HMIC, 2005, p. 12). He was referring to the merging of smaller forces to make them “fit for purpose”. In 2006, following the recommendations of the report, Home Secretary Charles Clarke took steps to begin a process of merging forces to drive efficiency and effectiveness in protective security. This strategic approach would have seen the number of forces reduced from 43 to 17, but it encountered significant opposition from many of the existing Police Authorities, sufficient to stop it happening (BBC, 2006). In 2011, the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Act 2011 replaced existing Police Authorities with the current system of elected Police and Crime Commissioners (PCC), which enabled leadership, local priority setting and operational management of police, as well as new partnerships within many force areas. It also led to Home Office direction being largely limited to the Strategic Policing Requirement (SPR). As the 43-force structure continues, a collaborative approach is ever more necessary, and efforts have been focused on sharing specialist capabilities across forces (Regional Organised Crime Units being one such example). But is this sufficient for policing to keep apace of the changes threatening the safety and security of the public? The COVID-19 pandemic has shone a light on the operational effectiveness of the 43-force structure. This paper will examine the challenge to a system, which the House of Commons Home Affairs Select Committee (HASC) called “broken” in 2018 (HASC, 2018), through the lens of the COVID-19 pandemic, and discuss whether the public health crisis has accelerated the drive towards further policing reforms and even a national police organisation. The question will be considered within the context of national coordination arising from the pandemic, the impact on police legitimacy and lessons learnt from the unified policing models introduced in Scotland and the Netherlands in 2013.","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"197 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125730964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Policing third-world countries through a system of lending: The socioeconomic and political implications for Nigeria","authors":"Olasunkanmi Kehinde-Balogun","doi":"10.13169/jglobfaul.10.1.0071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/jglobfaul.10.1.0071","url":null,"abstract":"One common economic phenomenon of third-world countries is the high tendency not to be able to financially sustain themselves. According to the Central Intelligence Agency (2022), a plethora of these countries like Nigeria, Ghana, Togo, Congo, Sierra Leone, and Equatorial Guinea, among others, tend to continually borrow funds from countries with developed economies and other global financial institutions. In other words, many African countries continue to depend on the Western powers for survival (Mhango, 2017). This has been a growing trend since many of the developing countries attained the status of political independence some four to six decades ago. There are realities around the core inability of the governments of developing countries to finance many state-owned projects, including recurrent expenditures. Since the genesis of Nigeria’s public debt in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the country has been through economic hardship with poverty and stagnation to show for the humongous loans taken year-in, year-out. Oftentimes, going by the Western powers’ analysis, fingers have been pointed at the country’s corrupt leadership, while feasible lessons from the soil have indicated colonialism, neo-colonialism, and imperialism of Western domination. Isiani et al. (2021) maintained that the most pressing position has been Nigeria’s economic linkage with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other instrumentalities of external loans that have over the years enmeshed the country in deeper debts through their imposed conditionality, and in addition submitted the example that the Structural Adjustment Program of IMF loans in the 1990s cemented Nigeria’s economic doom until today.","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131268121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"China as a transitional economy to socialism?","authors":"Michael Roberts","doi":"10.13169/jglobfaul.9.2.0180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/jglobfaul.9.2.0180","url":null,"abstract":"What sort of economy and state is China? Is it capitalist or socialist? The answer to those questions must start with Marx’s law of value, which defines the nature of mode of production and social relations under capitalism. It continues with an understanding of the concept of a transitional economy between capitalism and socialism. We can define several criteria for an economy in transition to socialism. Based on those criteria, China is not a capitalist economy; its phenomenal economic success is product of a predominantly state-owned and directed economy clearly distinct from capitalist economies, whether democratic or autocratic. However, it is still far away from achieving socialism or communism. It is an economy in a “trapped transition”. It is trapped because it lacks any meaningful forms of workers’ democracy and it is surrounded by the forces of imperialism which seek to strangle it. Indeed, any transition to socialism requires international coordination and unity to develop the productive forces and sustain workers’ control.","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131424051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"War as a counter-extremism strategy","authors":"Leon Skerritt","doi":"10.13169/jglobfaul.10.1.0117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/jglobfaul.10.1.0117","url":null,"abstract":"When Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022, there was global outrage, condemnation, and calls for a stop to the attack. Over six months have passed and there does not seem to be an end to the conflict in sight. Of the many reasons the Russian state has given as the impetus for armed conflict, is the countering of neo-Nazi extremism, radicalization, and political violence. In this commentary piece, it will be contended that military intervention is not an effective strategy to combat extremism and that examples from the history of the dissenting west, particularly from the United Kingdom, France, and the United States, can provide support for this contention. This commentary will neither condone nor condemn either belligerent party to this conflict but appraise the strategies of deploying the military to combat extremists.","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"87 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115748687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Re-evaluating Turkey’s global relationships and its shift toward the South-East Asian region","authors":"S. Roy-Mukherjee, E. Udeogu","doi":"10.13169/jglobfaul.10.1.0088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/jglobfaul.10.1.0088","url":null,"abstract":"Turkey is strategically positioned at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and Africa, and is considered an important geopolitical actor in the global arena. Since Turkey embraced neoliberal economic policies in the 1980s, it has emerged as one of the leading emerging economies with major trade links with the US, Russia, EU, and Asia. Turkey has been a longstanding member of the NATO alliance and signed the European Customs Union Agreement in 1995. With the advent of Asia as the global economic powerhouse, Turkey’s foreign and economic policy horizons today extend to the Asia-Pacific Region. Turkey plays a key role in China’s Belt and Road Initiative and with the launching of the Asia Anew Initiative in late 2019, Ankara has redoubled efforts to forge closer ties with the ten members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and with ASEAN itself. This paper will explore and evaluate Turkey’s foreign policy over the last two decades and the shift from the principle of Strategic Depth to that of Strategic Autonomy. The article will also review Turkey’s current change in international orientation and its international re-orientation toward Asia.","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114431624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"How did ‘Eurocentrism’ assume the status of a Euro-North American theory of human history that privileges the Greek–Roman classical world as the cradle of human civilisation in the process overshadowing the reality of Africa as the certified cradle of humankind?","authors":"Timothy Gerber-Mellish","doi":"10.13169/jglobfaul.6.1.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/jglobfaul.6.1.0009","url":null,"abstract":"History may be defined as the authenticated record of man’s activities and achievements. It is not a complete record, for there are many gaps in our knowledge of the past. There is also present an element of uncertainty. The historian can record only, what, in his judgement, is the closest possible approximation of the truth.","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115064754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Victors write the rules: Hypocrisies and legacies of the Nuremberg Trials","authors":"Jackson","doi":"10.13169/jglobfaul.8.2.0265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/jglobfaul.8.2.0265","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121992341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Neoliberalism and personal freedoms during COVID-19","authors":"Chalk","doi":"10.13169/JGLOBFAUL.8.1.0091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/JGLOBFAUL.8.1.0091","url":null,"abstract":"COVID-19 has put the global healthcare system under intense strain, and different healthcare systems have proven to be more effective than others. In particular, the neoliberal countries of the UK and the United States have proven to be the most vulnerable to a global pandemic, however the more socialist countries of Germany and New Zealand have fared much better. The authoritarian regimes of China and Vietnam have fared significantly better, though this has been at the expense of personal freedoms. This article will assess the impact of coronavirus (COVID-19) on personal freedoms and human rights by first mapping the impact of COVID-19 on human rights in authoritarian countries, such as China and Vietnam, then moving onto the Asia-Pacific region to examine the more liberal and democratic approaches of Taiwan and New Zealand. Finally, we will analyse the impact of coronavirus on European countries, in particular Germany, and then the United States. Broadly speaking, the least neoliberal countries in the world have come through the pandemic in better shape. The impact of neoliberalism on healthcare systems has resulted in a deterioration of healthcare services. Neoliberal restructuring has generally focused on profit rather than healthcare indicators. This neoliberal approach has had a det-rimental effect both on access to healthcare services and on the quality of what is affordable for many people.","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127066881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Refugees, Migrants and Citizens in U.K. Socio-Political Discourse: A Postcolonial and Discourse Analytical Critique","authors":"Sophia Hayat Taha","doi":"10.13169/jglobfaul.6.1.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/jglobfaul.6.1.0017","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines why migrants and refugees are treated differently to citizens by the U.K. government. It brings together written statements from Members of Parliament and three online news sources, unpacking the contemporary dominant discourse using Critical Discourse Analysis. It argues that, as a colonial power, the U.K. has used and continues to use dehumanisation tactics to ‘other’ migrants. The examination of texts found common themes: citizens were presented as helpful, good people, the nation-state as a source of identity and safety and borders as requiring protection – in turn, justifying exceptionalism in the name of security. It concludes that the mistreatment of migrants and refugees is seen as legitimate because the national dominant discourse has constructed their societal identity as ‘others’ who pose a risk to the congruency of the state.","PeriodicalId":167633,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Faultlines","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130077768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}