SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)最新文献_第5页

The Modern Olympiad: A Clash of Ideologies 现代奥林匹克:意识形态的冲突

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1984.0010

M. Vlahos

{"title":"The Modern Olympiad: A Clash of Ideologies","authors":"M. Vlahos","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1984.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1984.0010","url":null,"abstract":"-LL Americans seem to love the Olympics. They adore the hoopla and the flashy pageantry, and fall in a hush with the parade of noble sentiments. Above all, they gather by the millions at the collective television arena as national boosters, cheering for American \"Olympic Gold.\" What could be a safer, more natural outlet for national pride? Catharsis is absent, however. We once won Olympiad after Olympiad—seven all told until 1956. That year, a second Soviet national team entered the lists and since then has captured every contest save one. That exception, in 1968, was marred for us by the protest of two of our runners, and, even though our medal count edged out the Soviets, they captured more gold. In 1976 we slipped to third after the East Germans. But Americans do at least know how to lose gracefully. Many Americans, however, discern a darker side beneath that fervid hoopla. To many, the Olympics is a metaphor for war, a surrogation of international conflicts in the sacrosanct arena of amateur sport. For others, who accept the risk of corrupting for a greater good, the Olympics are a frenetic sports counterpart for the United Nations, where global competitions and rivalries can have a positive outlet, lessening world tensions through the agency of human communication. But even in this form, to many, the Olympics represent merely a cynical veneer of universal fellowship in sportmanship, beneath which is played out the drama of war in nylonpolyester. Those states that choose to define the event according to their","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"4 1","pages":"181 - 192"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78652910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Close Neighbors, Distant Friends: United States-Central American Relations (review) 近邻，远方朋友:美国与中美洲关系(回顾)

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1989.0054

Claudia Franco Hijuelos

{"title":"Close Neighbors, Distant Friends: United States-Central American Relations (review)","authors":"Claudia Franco Hijuelos","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1989.0054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1989.0054","url":null,"abstract":"John E. Findling is clear about his purpose in writing this book: \"To tell, in as straightforward a manner as possible, the story of the United States' relations with Central America from the independence period to the present day.\" He accomplishes this goal by chronologically describing major events and by focusing on the U.S. personalities who conducted relations with Central America as well as on the Central American interlocutors from Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. Two hundred years of history are compacted into eight short chapters. The author refers to most of the pertinent literature on the subject, yet seldom does he present thorough argumentation that would lend credence to his interesting conclusions. In his historical overview the author says that the United States' initial interest in Central America sprang from the region's potential as the site of an isthmian route that would join the Pacific Ocean with the Caribbean Sea — an idea that was not pursued until after the Mexican War. By the mid-nineteenth century this route was expected to bring tremendous trade benefits and facilitate the transit of gold seekers to the recently annexed territories in the West. The author goes on to relate that, following a bilateral treaty with Nicaragua in 1849, the United States acquired the right to build and fortify a canal in exchange for protecting Nicaragua against foreign aggression. However, the treaty was superseded the following year by the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, whereby the United States and Great Britain agreed on the limits of each other's competition for regional influence. Both pledged neither to seek exclusive control over a canal in the area nor to exercise any dominion over any part of Central America.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"28 1","pages":"234 - 235"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78904844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Peace Movement and the "Two Europes" 和平运动与“两个欧洲”

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1984.0006

N. Birnbaum

{"title":"The Peace Movement and the \"Two Europes\"","authors":"N. Birnbaum","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1984.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1984.0006","url":null,"abstract":"D,'iscussing the American peace movement a while ago, a very distinguished European leader reportedly declared that he could not take it seriously: After all, he did not recognize the names of any of its leaders. Five hundred years after Luther proclaimed the priesthood of all believers, our Western elites apparently find it difficult to take democracy seriously enough to suppose that new political movements can arise without their approval and knowledge. The performance of many in the Western political elite in the face of the peace movement has been, in fact, incompetent, when not morally deplorable. Attributing to fellow citizens a maximum of ignorance and bad faith, and sometimes sheer cowardice, our elites have found no argument too crude, no innuendo too derogatory, in a desperate effort to avoid recognizing their own increasing delegitimation. Now that the first of the Euromissiles are arriving in Great Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Italy, now that the U.S. Congress has narrowly voted to proceed with the MX (designated \"Peacekeeper,\" apparently in tribute to the Orwellian year, 1984), now that President Reagan has won a modicum of approval from the American public for having occupied Grenada, it has been suggested that the movement will subside.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"53 1","pages":"77 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87504014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Egypto-centrism in Israeli Strategic Planning: The "Peace for Galilee" Operation 以色列战略规划中的埃及中心主义:“加利利和平”行动

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1984.0000

David Wurmser

{"title":"Egypto-centrism in Israeli Strategic Planning: The \"Peace for Galilee\" Operation","authors":"David Wurmser","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1984.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1984.0000","url":null,"abstract":"At is crucial to understand the strategic motives behind Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon before one judges it a success or failure. The \"Peace for Galilee\" operation has been interpreted by some as a war designed solely to destroy the Palestine Liberation Organization (plo), concluding that the price paid was greater than the benefits reaped.1 Others have maintained the view that the 1982 war had an internal focus as well: to subdue the West Bank and to bring peace to Galilee.2 The latter was a very important consideration in going to war, but the former, though still a factor, appears to have been important only to a few in the Israeli government. In fact, the Israeli government is inclined to overestimate the plo's threat to its hold on the West Bank. Yet another interpretation of the 1982 invasion contends that \"Peace for Galilee\" grew out of Israel's strategic perceptions of Lebanon.3 Nevertheless, there is ample reason to conclude that the 1982 invasion of Lebanon was an application of comprehensive Israeli security concerns extant since the State of Israel's creation in 1948 and, therefore, should not be viewed as a limited application in Lebanon. Furthermore, the 1982 invasion was a result of doctrine dictated by those same concerns that began to affect Lebanon directly as early as 1963. Israeli-Egyptian relations have always been at the core of Israeli strategic thinking. Consequently, Israeli strategy toward Lebanon has been a function of these southern-oriented considerations. The strategic","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"10 1","pages":"65 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87635398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

Reporting Hostage Crises: Who's in Charge of Television? 报道人质危机:谁负责电视?

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1986.0064

E. M. Joyce

{"title":"Reporting Hostage Crises: Who's in Charge of Television?","authors":"E. M. Joyce","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1986.0064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1986.0064","url":null,"abstract":"ELEVisiON coverage of hostage crises has brought a new dimension to an old problem. Thanks to the technology of modern news reporting, a story unfolds hour by hour, day by day in full public view, bringing home to the American people as never before the helplessness and humiliation of their government in the face of apparently irrational, inhuman terrorist demands. Television seems such a ubiquitous feature of these episodes that the public has come to associate the attentions of the media apparatus to some degree with the motivation of the hostagetakers. Inevitably, allegations are made that television itself is a major contributor to the problem. It is claimed that television coverage of such incidents abets the terrorists' desires for publicity and manipulates the public's reactions. Many charge that, instead of being a mere observer, recorder, and disseminator of events around the world, television should more properly be considered an active participant in them and a shaping force in determining the political response to them. Any number of authoritative commentators have suggested that the role of television in hostage-taking incidents is less than salutary. After Hanafi Muslims took over the B'nai Brith headquarters in Washington in March 1977, setting off a clamor over television coverage of the siege, four psychiatrists told United Press International that \"hostage-taking acts of terrorism feed on publicity and encourage similar events.\" According to an official at the National Institute of Mental Health, Dr.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"9 1","pages":"169 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88010774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

The Evolution of the U.S.-Japan Alliance 美日同盟的演变

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1985.0018

W. Sherman

引用次数: 0

Deterrence and the Revolution in Soviet Military Doctrine (review) 威慑与苏联军事学说的革命(回顾)

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1991.0001

Timothy D. Hoyt

引用次数: 0

The Trans-Atlantic Alliance: Strength Through Crisis 跨大西洋联盟:危机中的力量

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1985.0024

O. Wright

引用次数: 0

The Troubled Alliance: Atlantic Relations in the 1980s (review) 陷入困境的联盟:20世纪80年代的大西洋关系

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1985.0005

W. Hoffman

引用次数: 0

Gorbachev's Struggle for Economic Reform (review) 戈尔巴乔夫为经济改革而奋斗(回顾)

SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies) Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1990.0061

R. Waxman

引用次数: 1