Indiana magazine of history最新文献

{"title":"Powering American Farms: The Overlooked Origins of Rural Electrification by Richard F. Hirsh (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899507","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Powering American Farms: The Overlooked Origins of Rural Electrification by Richard F. Hirsh Casey P. Cater Powering American Farms: The Overlooked Origins of Rural Electrification By Richard F. Hirsh (Baltimore, Md.: John Hopkins University Press, 2022. Pp. vii, 358. Notes, index. $60.00.) The process of rural electrification in the United States has long been presented, and broadly accepted, as a rather simple story: until President Franklin D. Roosevelt created the Rural Electrification Administration (REA) in 1935, American farmers had to endure the cold and the darkness because private utilities refused to electrify rural communities. In Powering American Farms, Richard Hirsh aims to rewrite that tale. Although he builds on the history of technology and social movements, revising the standard narrative is his core task. His book seeks to craft a new chronicle of rural electrification: private utilities poured the foundation [End Page 200] for the REA, and REA devotees' claims that the federal government's work alone granted American farms electrical modernization are \"severely exaggerated\" ahistorical perspectives rooted in emotion and ideology (p. 3). On the whole Hirsh's work achieves its goal, but at times it succumbs to some of the same deficiencies he criticizes in accounts sympathetic to the New Deal. Across thirteen chapters that primarily span the interwar years, Hirsh's study convincingly shows that, before the New Deal, private utilities did not wholly ignore farms, and in fact forged at least part of the path toward rural electrification. He readily grants that only about one-tenth of American farms enjoyed central-station electrical service by 1935, and that a major obstacle to broader success was—understandably for firms answerable to shareholders—financial. Other early impediments included utility executives' condescending attitudes toward rural people and, as he details in an excellent chapter on isolated generating plants, toward farmers' efforts to seek electrification on their own. The primary factor that pushed utilities into considering rural markets in the early 1920s, he rightly claims, was a vigorous movement for public power that electric company managers saw as a significant threat. In response, as Hirsh explains in the six chapters that form the heart of his argument, power companies organized national committees, engaged with universities, and worked with farmers' associations to study and pursue rural electrification in the decade before the New Deal. These actions, he claims, marked \"the industry's commitment to pursue electrification of farms through research and demonstration\" (p. 133). Hirsh's seeming acceptance of the success and sincerity of that commitment, though, somewhat mars his narrative's persuasiveness. Like the traditional rural electrification story he criticizes—even to the point, somewhat shockingly, of comparing it to the Lost Cause and the Stab in the Back myths—Hirsh's own account","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"128 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Review Notices","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899510","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899510","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"156 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Opposing Lincoln: Clement L. Vallandigham, Presidential Power, and the Legal Battle over Dissent in Wartime by Thomas C. Mackey (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899504","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899504","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Opposing Lincoln: Clement L. Vallandigham, Presidential Power, and the Legal Battle over Dissent in Wartime by Thomas C. Mackey Joshua A. Lynn Opposing Lincoln: Clement L. Vallandigham, Presidential Power, and the Legal Battle over Dissent in Wartime By Thomas C. Mackey (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2020. Pp. ix, 188. Bibliographical essay, index. Clothbound, $55.00; paperbound, $24.95.) Recent scholarship has blurred the sharp distinctions that Americans have traditionally relied on to make sense of their civil war. The differences between North and South, home front and battlefield, and combatant and non-combatant have become muddied. Studies of women's and enslaved Americans' wartime roles, along with the recognition of the war as a humanitarian and environmental crisis, have recast the conflict as an all-encompassing experience shaping daily life far beyond the battlefield. Diverse Americans unexpectedly found themselves combatants, and diverse locales became sites of conflict. Legal and constitutional history has reinforced these insights, as wartime legal developments underscored how the statuses of enslaved and free, combatant and non-combatant, and Unionist and traitor oscillated with the tides of war. Thomas C. Mackey's Opposing Lincoln: Clement L. Vallandigham, Presidential Power, and the Legal Battle over Dissent in Wartime adds to this discussion by situating legal history amid the Civil War's shifting landscape. Mackey recounts the legal saga of Ohio politician Clement L. Vallandigham. In 1863, the United States military arrested Vallandigham for a speech criticizing the war effort. After Vallandigham's conviction by a military commission, Abraham Lincoln banished the rabble-rouser to the Confederacy. His ordeal raised questions about the suspension of habeas corpus and whether military commissions could try civilians in wartime. Mackey explains how Vallandigham, a midwestern Copperhead Democrat, became an outspoken opponent of the Lincoln administration. From the war's beginning, Lincoln worried about potentially treasonous citizens like Vallandigham. Mackey relates important developments prior to Vallandigham's arrest, such as Lincoln's 1861 suspension of habeas corpus, as the president wrestled with how to use his war powers to tamp down disloyalty and dissent. Mackey finds coherence in Lincoln's policies, especially through analyzing his \"Corning letter\" and \"Birchard letter,\" texts in which the president defended his actions after Vallandigham's arrest. Given genuine fears over disloyal citizens on the home front, Lincoln articulated a policy that protected the Union while also showing restraint. Mackey applauds Lincoln for operating within [End Page 195] the Constitution and the democratic political order. Lincoln did not crush dissent or stymie his political opposition. The Democratic Party itself was not curtailed, but Vallandigham, as an extreme Copperhead Democrat, did find himself arrested, hauled bef","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"\"The Land We Have We Wish to Keep\": Miami Autonomy and Resistance to Removal in Indiana, 1812–1826","authors":"John T. Peyton","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899498","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899498","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: The ability of Indiana tribes to resist removal, compel Euro-Americans to their terms, and maintain a land base was best exemplified by the Miamis in the years after the War of 1812 to 1826. Rather than become victims of dispossession, the Miamis reconstructed an identity riven by intratribal divisions that both ignited conflict between Euro-Americans and Indians and brought destruction to the Miami homeland. The Miamis used the memory of their divisions to regain political cohesion under the autonomous leadership of Jean Baptiste Richardville. In the process, they confronted the threat of Indian removal by using strategies based on their cultural customs, while also mixing these ideas with understandings of Euro-American landholding practices, racial constructions of Indians, and devices of Indigenous subjugation. Ultimately, the Miamis' efforts equipped them with resistance strategies that they utilized to conditionally prevent their displacement from their native homeland.","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Center Could Not Hold: Congressman William H. English and His Antebellum Political Times by Elliott Schimmel (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899503","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899503","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: The Center Could Not Hold: Congressman William H. English and His Antebellum Political Times by Elliott Schimmel A. James Fuller The Center Could Not Hold: Congressman William H. English and His Antebellum Political Times By Elliott Schimmel (Ocala, Fl.: Atlantic Publishing, 2020. Pp. 562. Illustrations, appendix, works cited, index. Paperbound, $29.95.) In one sense, Elliott Schimmel has done a great service with this book. We need a biography of William H. English, four-term congressman and the Democratic Party's vice-presidential candidate in 1880. Not only was English a rising political star in the 1850s, he was also a prominent banker and real estate developer in Indianapolis. His real estate projects helped build the city, a fact marked today by English Avenue, which still bears his name. Meanwhile, from its opening on the downtown Circle in 1880 until its closing in 1948, his English's Hotel and Opera House served as a center of the city's social and cultural life. In providing us with a deeply researched political biography, Schimmel has helped fill the need for a study of English. In another sense, this book is a disappointment. Schimmel rightly argues that English tried to lead the country to a compromise over the extension of slavery into Kansas, the issue that brought on the Civil War. Even the title points to placing the subject in the context of his political times. But the book ultimately fails to give us what we need from a study of William H. English. The author clearly states that this is a study of one half of one man's life, focused on his political career. However, the argument that English was a moderate Democrat who failed in his effort to bring about a compromise ultimately falls short of the mark, as does the book's limited scope. Born in Scott County, Indiana, William English attended Hanover College but left the school to start a law practice. A lifelong Jacksonian Democrat, he was elected to the state legislature in 1851 and in the following year to Congress, where he served four terms. His [End Page 193] time there was dominated by the issue of slavery, as the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 opened the door to the expansion of slavery by overturning the Missouri Compromise. English voted for the measure and then helped vote down the admission of Kansas as a slave state under the Lecompton Constitution. He subsequently introduced the English Bill, a compromise that would allow Kansas to be admitted as a slave state if its voters approved the act, which substantially curtailed the amount of federal land gifted to the new state. Kansas voters rejected the measure and Kansas did not become a slave state. English did not seek reelection in 1860 and became a \"War Democrat\" who supported the Union effort during the Rebellion. Although he thereafter remained focused mostly on his business interests, he was the Democratic nominee for vice president in 1880, running unsuccessfully with Winfield Scott Hancock. Schimmel ","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Forest and Industry: John Muir in Indianapolis","authors":"Nathan Schmidt","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899497","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: Indianapolis, Indiana, played a central part in John Muir's turn from mechanical inventions—which he never completely left behind—towards the wilderness. Evidence for the significance of the Hoosier capital is found in Muir's correspondence from the city, in the social connections he forged, and even in the botanical specimens he gathered there. Muir's Indianapolis experience may appear to have been what ultimately cemented the binary of wilderness wandering and industrial development for him, but the synthesis that he originally went looking for leaves much more open for investigation. What can Muir's vacillation between the two say to us today, when the relationship between industrial production and romantic environmentalism is as complex as ever?","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Beacons of Liberty: International Free Soil and the Fight for Racial Justice in Antebellum America by Elena K. Abbott (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899502","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Beacons of Liberty: International Free Soil and the Fight for Racial Justice in Antebellum America by Elena K. Abbott Elliott Drago Beacons of Liberty: International Free Soil and the Fight for Racial Justice in Antebellum America By Elena K. Abbott (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. vii, 328. Appendix, notes, bibliography, index. Clothbound, $89.99; paperbound, $29.99.) In Beacons of Liberty: International Free Soil and the Fight for Racial Justice in Antebellum America, Elena K. Abbott examines the \"individual and collective influence\" that international free-soil havens had on American antislavery activists between 1813 and 1863 (p. 4). In countries like Mexico, Cuba, and especially Canada, international free-soil havens offered free and self-emancipated Black Americans the opportunity to enjoy equal standing outside of the United States. Abbot argues that Black Americans identified \"specific attributes that they believed made free soil 'free,'\" thus contributing [End Page 191] to the discourse of emancipation in the United States (p. 8). Tracing this discourse through traditional physical archives and online databases, she recognizes the power and limitation of the latter while making sure not to supplant the former. By the end of her work, she concludes that international free-soil havens gave Black Americans, and therefore the antislavery movement, \"physical and conceptual alternatives to the prevailing pro-slavery polities of the United States\" (p. 234). Abbott analyzes spaces of freedom across eight chapters. Chapter one spotlights Paul Cuffe and the debates over Black Americans relocating to West Africa and Haiti. The second chapter follows James C. Brown's efforts to find asylum in Canada, though Abbott explains how Canada's protections for runaways did not ensure civic freedom. Chapter three navigates Black Americans' desires to thrive in Canada as well as in Mexico, although the latter proved much less effective in protecting vulnerable Black American emigrés from affronts to legal equality. Black and white activists' \"assessment\" of abolition is the subject of Abbott's fourth chapter. British emancipation in the West Indies offered Black Americans a glimmer of hope, namely, that the United States might follow suit and abolish slavery. While emancipation in the West Indies proved just as rife with a lack of opportunities for emigrants, Abbott notes that this beacon helped Black Americans better \"articulate what constituted meaningful freedom\" (p. 128). Chapter five returns to Black Americans' colonization project in Canada. Despite its limited success, the shift from free to runaway Black emigrants over the course of the century emphasized how Black Americans who freed themselves found more security in Canada than in the United States. The next chapter focuses on pro-slavery reactions to Black Americans crossing the border into Canada, while chapter seven describes the effects of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act ","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Surviving Genocide: Native Nations and the United States from the American Revolution to Bleeding Kansas by Jeffrey Ostler (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899500","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Surviving Genocide: Native Nations and the United States from the American Revolution to Bleeding Kansas by Jeffrey Ostler William J. Bauer Jr. Surviving Genocide: Native Nations and the United States from the American Revolution to Bleeding Kansas By Jeffrey Ostler (New Haven, Ct.: Yale University Press, 2019. Pp. ix, 533. Notes, bibliography, index. Paperbound, $25.00.) In 1778, Lenape (Delaware) leaders informed U.S. congressional commissioners that \"it is the design of the [United] States … to extirpate the Indians and take possession of their country\" (p. 61). According to historian Jeffrey Ostler, the Lenape leaders understood a foundational aspect of U.S. policy: the nation's westward expansion depended upon the taking of Indigenous people's lands through genocidal warfare. In the first of a proposed two volumes, Ostler argues that between 1776 and 1850, the United States pursued a policy of genocidal warfare against Indigenous people in what he calls the \"zone of removal.\" The United States threatened Indigenous people east of the Mississippi River with legalized wars of extermination and acted on those laws. Deliberate acts of eliminatory warfare further endangered Indigenous people through rape, starvation, and disease. Yet Surviving Genocide is more than a one-sided, top-down approach to federal Indian policy and the nation's westward expansion. Ostler highlights Indigenous voices, perspectives, and criticisms of federal Indian policy. As the Lenape leaders demonstrated, Indigenous people knew that the United States wanted to eliminate them and take their land. Oster divides the book into three parts. In the first, he details how English settler colonialism set the stage for genocidal warfare in the early republic. English colonialism exposed Indigenous people to violence, disease, and slavery. During the Seven Years' War, English colonists offered scalp bounties, waged [End Page 187] biological warfare—Jeffrey Amherst's notorious act of issuing blankets from the smallpox hospital to Indigenous people—and massacred non-combatant Conestogas in Pennsylvania. The American Revolution accelerated the destructive nature of warfare. Colonists rebelled against England, in part, because the Crown prevented the colonists from expanding westward and incited, to quote the Declaration of Independence, \"merciless Indian Savages.\" During the war, Ostler writes, \"U.S. officials, including Thomas Jefferson, George Rogers Clark, George Clinton and George Washington, repeatedly declared an intention to extirpate, exterminate, or destroy Indians they defined as enemies\" (pp. 78–79). Colonists massacred non-combatant Indigenous people at Gnadenhutten, a Moravian missionary colony in modern-day Ohio. Indigenous leaders, such as Cherokee Dragging Canoe and Haudenosaunee Joseph Brant, recognized the eliminatory bent of the colonists' war tactics. Dragging Canoe, for example, informed British officials that it was the \"Intention [of the United Sta","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Settler Colonial City: Racism and Inequity in Postwar Minneapolis by David Hugill (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899509","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899509","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Settler Colonial City: Racism and Inequity in Postwar Minneapolis by David Hugill Natchee Blu Barnd Settler Colonial City: Racism and Inequity in Postwar Minneapolis By David Hugill (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2021. Pp. vii, 212. Notes, bibliography, index. Clothbound, $100.00; paperbound, $25.00.) Settler Colonial City is a highly accessible book with a broad sweep that shifts geographic scales from the most localized neighborhood level out to the (perhaps unexpected) global frame of American capitalism and military power. In one substantive introduction and four subsequent chapters, it offers the reader a concise journey. It toggles between attention to the impacts imposed upon Indigenous peoples in what is currently called Minnesota (starting with historic and ongoing modes of colonization) and attention to the settler colonial ontologies and practices that form the cultural and material landscapes of the city of Minneapolis. The book offers nuanced historical and ethnographic detail while maintaining an important emphasis on systemic relations and the structures of dominance and inequality. The first chapters hone [End Page 204] in on the Phillips neighborhood, to provide wider explanatory frames for understanding its formation and its (Indigenous) demographics and movements. While the book attends deeply to Indigenous communities' experiences in Minneapolis—a centering point for the work—the primary focus is charting the modes of structured dominance that have created those experiences, with an emphasis on the continued production of racialized and colonial relations. Thus, the second chapter takes on liberal anti-racism efforts, in order to illustrate how easily such political and philanthropic positionings stay firmly nested within settler colonial epistemologies and capitalist envelopes. Again, as the author indicates, this is primarily a work that studies settler colonialism. Chapter three takes on the highly topical subject of policing to reveal the longstanding productions of Indigenous criminality, immorality, and incapacity that feed police violence. It shares how Indigenous and other groups resisted policing behaviors and structures through activism and community organizing. The final chapter begins locally, within a community-responsive job site aimed at Indigenous employment, before zooming outward to show that site's direct and messy intertwining with American global empire and the war industry. Most impactfully, Hugill uses this example to warn readers not to separate notions of diversity (or, its uncritical celebration) from larger systems of exploitation and violence. He instead highlights the need to attend carefully and continually with the social contradictions of any self-styled liberal or cosmopolitan city, like Minneapolis. Hugill's primary goal is to wipe away the social, cultural, and political obfuscations that continually distance settler colonialism from cities and from the contemporary","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"127 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Telling Hoosier Stories: The Long History of Arab Indianapolis","authors":"Edward E. Curtis, Johny Fulfer","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899499","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: IMH Assistant Editor Johnny Fulfer interviews Prof. Edward E. Curtis IV about his Arab Indianapolis project, which tells the story of the rich history of Arab Americans in Indianapolis through a book, a documentary film, a blog, a heritage trail, and an educators' workshop.","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}