Indiana magazine of history最新文献

{"title":"Degrees of Equality: Abolitionist Colleges and the Politics of Race by John Frederick Bell (review)","authors":"Michael E. Jirik","doi":"10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.06","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Degrees of Equality: Abolitionist Colleges and the Politics of Race by John Frederick Bell Michael E. Jirik Degrees of Equality: Abolitionist Colleges and the Politics of Race By John Frederick Bell (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2022. Pp. ix, 298. Notes, bibliography, index. $45.00.) In 1864, Fanny Jackson, a Black student at Oberlin College, penned an editorial responding to debates on campus over hiring Black tutors. While faculty preached against prejudice at Oberlin, it surely existed “in some of the students,” she observed. The college was “not the pool of Bethesda for the sin of prejudice” Jackson reasoned, and yet it was a space in which racial equality might be lived and practiced (p. 98). Jackson’s observations form the core of John Frederick Bell’s argument in Degrees of Equality, a critical appraisal of “abolitionist colleges” and social equality among students—Black and white, women and men—on their campuses. “Then as now,” Bell argues, “there was an important difference between African Americans being equally admitted as students and being equally accepted as people,” even at colleges founded on ideals of racial equality (p. 8). Examining the social and cultural histories of Oberlin, New York Central, and Berea Colleges respectively, he asserts that “there was a disconnect between equal rights for all races and complete social equality between them” (p. 9). He traces the racial politics at these institutions from the antebellum period to the late nineteenth century, by which time the experiments in racial coeducation had disintegrated on these campuses, as they became de facto spaces of racist segregation. Significantly, he ultimately shows that it was often Black and white students who lived out the ideals their institutions promoted while the institutions themselves often fell far short of manifesting the fullest extent of the meaning of abolition. Throughout the book’s six chapters, Bell demonstrates the significant tensions over institutional ideals of equal admission and the realization of social equality among students on the three campuses. White faculty, college officers, and some white students often denounced interracial relationships among the students, especially romantic partnerships. A former white student at Oberlin, in 1837, wrote an exposé that critiqued displays of social equality among Black and white students. At New York Central, meanwhile, William Allen, a Black professor, was run out of town for his courtship of Mary King, a white student. Allen received little support from the college’s leaders, and the controversy over interracial dating at Berea in 1872–1873 exposed the institution’s limitations for students realizing interracial solidarity. The students practiced what they preached, carrying the abolitionist transformations they fought for to their logical conclusions. Conversely, college authorities often feared white reprisals against the students’ egalitarianism, whether it","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135688472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Business Life and Philanthropy Behind the Veil","authors":"Anton D. House","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a905290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a905290","url":null,"abstract":"Business Life and Philanthropy Behind the Veil Anton D. House (bio) Madam C. J. Walker’s Gospel of Giving: Black Women’s Philanthropy During Jim Crow By Tyrone McKinley Freeman (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2020. Pp. ix, 278. Notes, bibliography, index. Clothbound, $110.00; paperbound, $24.95.) The Merchant Prince of Black Chicago: Anthony Overton and the Building of a Financial Empire By Robert E. Weems Jr. (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2020. Pp. ix, 210. Appendix, notes, bibliography, index. Clothbound, $110.00; paperbound, $24.95.) The period between Reconstruction and World War I was one of the most transformative in United States history. During the late nineteenth century, Black and white Americans began leaving their small rural communities for urban sprawls. They transitioned from agriculture and farming to industrialization and mechanization. To add to the angst of urban living and dislocation, the influx of immigrants brought job competition, racial tension, and overcrowding to the growing cities. Unrestricted capitalism gave rise to large corporations and new forms of governmental corruption. While this period was rife with social issues, worker clashes, and violent racism, it was also the zenith of Black race enterprises and cooperatives. [End Page 286] By the late nineteenth century, African Americans had lost the political gains of Reconstruction. During the rise of Jim Crow, when they were forced out of government and public space, many African Americans turned inward to build community. By the 1880s, they made social and economic advances in banking, business cooperatives, and industrial insurance. Following slavery, they entered a mass movement for institutional development. They organized schools, churches, and literary societies. However, the most essential institutions, which served as a lever for economic progress, were the fraternal mutual aid benevolent societies. These organizations offered unity, friendship, and social and extrafamilial relationships. Their members paid entrance fees and dues and purchased burial and, later, insurance policies. While American society was becoming more segregated, the emerging industrial economy was extended to all. Even as robber barons raided the economy, African Americans became fortuitous beneficiaries of this rapidly expanding and growing economy. When years were good, the members of fraternal mutual aid benevolent societies paid their financial obligations and survived, and the societies saw burgeoning coffers. They used such funds to advance loans to the community or create businesses and buy property. In fact, many of these societies served as business schools and trained members in commerce and finance. They had a nationwide membership that included women—the most successful and prominent mutual aid societies were gender equal—and owned many businesses, including insurance companies, banks, grocery stores, and a retirement community. These Black enterprises tau","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135346844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Native Fascism: Evansville’s 1948 Wallace Riot","authors":"Denise Lynn","doi":"10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.02","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: In April 1948, Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry A. Wallace arrived in Indiana to much controversy. The conservative state did not welcome Wallace, and veterans’ organizations actively organized to disrupt his speaking engagements. On April 6, at the Progressive Party’s Evansville campaign event, a mob attacked Wallace supporters, causing injuries and pushing the isolated town into the national spotlight. In the wake of the riot, a local professor was fired for his involvement in the Wallace campaign, and the radical CIO Local 813 became the subject of U. S. House committee hearings. Anticommunist hysteria gripped the Evansville community. What happened in Evansville on April 6 was part of a populist fascism in the United States propelled by anti-communism and enacted by veterans’ organizations. While national politicians dominate histories of anti-communism, some of the greatest damage done during the 1940s and 1950s occurred when other Americans, specifically veterans’ groups, violated the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens.","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135688481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Dancing for Our Tribe: Potawatomi Tradition in the New Millennium by Sharon Hoogstraten (review)","authors":"John N. Low","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a905296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a905296","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Dancing for Our Tribe: Potawatomi Tradition in the New Millennium by Sharon Hoogstraten John N. Low Dancing for Our Tribe: Potawatomi Tradition in the New Millennium By Sharon Hoogstraten (Chicago: Shikaakwa Press, 2022. Pp. iv, 284. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $80.00.) Although many characterize powwows as originating in the nineteenth century, there is little doubt that Native Americans have always and often gathered together to dance and sing. Dancing for Our Tribe: Potawatomi Tradition in the New Millennium is an important contribution to documenting the traditions and innovations in dance regalia we associate with powwows today. The author is an enrolled citizen of the Citizen Potawatomi Nation of Oklahoma. Having been born in Michigan and having lived a large part of her life in Chicago, she nonetheless has maintained strong connections with her tribal nation. Within this book, Hoogstraten documents the incredible array of regalia maintained by the nine Potawatomi nations in the United States. While doing so, she also collects the individual stories of the dancers, their families and communities, and the knowledge that goes into making their regalia. I am perhaps a distant cousin of the author, being myself a citizen of the Pokagon Band of Potawatomi. When I first saw this book, I was unsure of what to expect because of the numerous photographs and large format. But this is much more than a coffee-table book. While the author eschews the label of artist and prefers storyteller, I think she is both and more. The powwow regalia beautifully reflect the artistry of the Potawatomi peoples across North America. Her photography is also beautiful, delightful, comforting, and moving. She shares her expertise in photography, which is her profession, and also shares her own ability to listen, inquire, and collect. These skills let her assemble material culture into a work that is about so much more than just regalia, powwows, tradition, innovation, expertise, and experience. It is a remarkable book that allows the reader to gain understanding about individual Potawatomi across North America. We learn who they are; why and how they do what they do; what being Potawatomi and Indigenous means to them; their connections to tradition, family, and mentors, while also expressing their creativity. Unlike Edward Curtis’s sepia-toned photography of Indians, these photographs do not depict anonymous people for the tourist gaze. Hoogstraten carefully identifies each person we “meet” through her book, which is filled with the stories of those she photographs. The regalia is lovely, but I expected that. The photography is rich in color, depth, and light. But what inspired me the most is that the subjects are not just what they are wearing—they are also vibrant human beings. They are happy, joyous, and [End Page 299] proud. The author obviously embarked on this project with a passion. That passion becomes a love story within the covers of","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135346843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Building Sustainable Worlds: Latinx Placemaking in the Midwest ed. by Theresa Delgadillo (review)","authors":"Teresa Irene Gonzales","doi":"10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.09","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Building Sustainable Worlds: Latinx Placemaking in the Midwest ed. by Theresa Delgadillo Teresa Irene Gonzales Building Sustainable Worlds: Latinx Placemaking in the Midwest Edited by Theresa Delgadillo, Ramón H. Rivera-Servera, Geraldo L. Cadava, and Claire F. Fox (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2022. Pp. vii, 328. Clothbound, $125.00; paperbound, $28.00.) Building Sustainable Worlds provides a thought-provoking collection of the various ways that Latina/o/x populations engage in placemaking practices across the Midwest. Moving away from a social-scientific or built-environment lens, the authors in this edited volume adeptly reimagine placemaking practices by centering distinct forms of expressive cultures, from literature to performance, collective action, and leisure. Divided into three parts, the first examines how Latinas/os/xs both craft and reimagine their localities in time and space. The second, a series of narratives by Latina/o/x activists and practitioners, highlights how Latinas/os/xs have created spaces of fellowship and celebration. Finally, the third section discusses placemaking in developing fellowship and movement across racial and ethnic divides. What is evident throughout the volume is that solidarity building, playfulness, and creating what Polakit and Schomberg’s Diálogos: Placemaking in Latino Communities (2012) refers to as “homemaking” are central to Latina/o/x placemaking. Alongside an excavation of the long histories of Latinas/os/xs across the [End Page 297] Midwest, the expansive volume provides an analysis of cultural works and representations, such as zines, short stories, festivals, dance performances, drag shows, and podcasts. The geographic scope is impressive: while several of the chapters focus on Chicago, we are also introduced to practices and histories in Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minnesota; Grand Rapids, Michigan; Hampton, Iowa; East Chicago, Indiana; across Ohio; and on college campuses in Illinois and Wisconsin. In its focus on the Midwest, Building Sustainable Worlds expands theories of placemaking and provides an important intervention into Latina/o/x Studies. A minor critique: the title is misleading. In an era of heightened awareness regarding our natural environments, the terms sustainable and sustainability evoke images of a world in environmental crisis. Some of the authors highlight the linkages between climate change and forced migration. However, for the most part, the volume focuses on building worlds that sustain Latina/o/x cultures. With this focus in mind, the collected essays echo arguments made by social scientists, such as Michael Rios, Paolo Boccagni, Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, and Juan Herrera, to name a few. The authors in this volume, however, challenge us to expand ideas about the interlink-ages between culture and placemaking by considering cultural productions, ephemeral practices, and testimonios. Given the draw of labor in manufacturing, railways, and els","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"2013 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135688477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Native Fascism: Evansville’s 1948 Wallace Riot","authors":"Denise Lynn","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a905288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a905288","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: In April 1948, Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry A. Wallace arrived in Indiana to much controversy. The conservative state did not welcome Wallace, and veterans’ organizations actively organized to disrupt his speaking engagements. On April 6, at the Progressive Party’s Evansville campaign event, a mob attacked Wallace supporters, causing injuries and pushing the isolated town into the national spotlight. In the wake of the riot, a local professor was fired for his involvement in the Wallace campaign, and the radical CIO Local 813 became the subject of U. S. House committee hearings. Anticommunist hysteria gripped the Evansville community. What happened in Evansville on April 6 was part of a populist fascism in the United States propelled by anti-communism and enacted by veterans’ organizations. While national politicians dominate histories of anti-communism, some of the greatest damage done during the 1940s and 1950s occurred when other Americans, specifically veterans’ groups, violated the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens.","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135346846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The “Gigantic Swindle” of 1869–1872: Lessons Learned in Legislating the Draining of the Great Kankakee Marsh","authors":"Michael Dobberstein","doi":"10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.01","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: Between 1869 and 1923, the government of Indiana sponsored the draining of the Great Kankakee Marsh and the straightening of the Kankakee River in northern Indiana. Reclaiming the vast marsh posed significant problems and required special legislation. In 1869, the legislature granted sweeping powers to a private corporation to drain the marsh. The company formed under this law, and the law itself, encountered bitter opposition from landowners, and created a storm of protest in the press, which attacked the company as a “gigantic swindle.” Public protests and attacks in the press forced the company to dissolve, and the legislature repealed the law. This article explores the brief unhappy life of the Kankakee Valley Draining Company; the reasons for the uprising against it; and the ways in which the General Assembly devised new legislation, and a more inclusive consensus, which would allow it eventually to accomplish its goal of replacing the Great Marsh with new farmland.","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135688273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Business Life and Philanthropy Behind the Veil","authors":"Anton D. House","doi":"10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.04","url":null,"abstract":"Business Life and Philanthropy Behind the Veil Anton D. House (bio) Madam C. J. Walker’s Gospel of Giving: Black Women’s Philanthropy During Jim Crow By Tyrone McKinley Freeman (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2020. Pp. ix, 278. Notes, bibliography, index. Clothbound, $110.00; paperbound, $24.95.) The Merchant Prince of Black Chicago: Anthony Overton and the Building of a Financial Empire By Robert E. Weems Jr. (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2020. Pp. ix, 210. Appendix, notes, bibliography, index. Clothbound, $110.00; paperbound, $24.95.) The period between Reconstruction and World War I was one of the most transformative in United States history. During the late nineteenth century, Black and white Americans began leaving their small rural communities for urban sprawls. They transitioned from agriculture and farming to industrialization and mechanization. To add to the angst of urban living and dislocation, the influx of immigrants brought job competition, racial tension, and overcrowding to the growing cities. Unrestricted capitalism gave rise to large corporations and new forms of governmental corruption. While this period was rife with social issues, worker clashes, and violent racism, it was also the zenith of Black race enterprises and cooperatives. [End Page 286] By the late nineteenth century, African Americans had lost the political gains of Reconstruction. During the rise of Jim Crow, when they were forced out of government and public space, many African Americans turned inward to build community. By the 1880s, they made social and economic advances in banking, business cooperatives, and industrial insurance. Following slavery, they entered a mass movement for institutional development. They organized schools, churches, and literary societies. However, the most essential institutions, which served as a lever for economic progress, were the fraternal mutual aid benevolent societies. These organizations offered unity, friendship, and social and extrafamilial relationships. Their members paid entrance fees and dues and purchased burial and, later, insurance policies. While American society was becoming more segregated, the emerging industrial economy was extended to all. Even as robber barons raided the economy, African Americans became fortuitous beneficiaries of this rapidly expanding and growing economy. When years were good, the members of fraternal mutual aid benevolent societies paid their financial obligations and survived, and the societies saw burgeoning coffers. They used such funds to advance loans to the community or create businesses and buy property. In fact, many of these societies served as business schools and trained members in commerce and finance. They had a nationwide membership that included women—the most successful and prominent mutual aid societies were gender equal—and owned many businesses, including insurance companies, banks, grocery stores, and a retirement community. These Black enterprises tau","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135688490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"No Place for Saints: Mobs and Mormons in Jacksonian America by Adam Jortner (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899501","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: No Place for Saints: Mobs and Mormons in Jacksonian America by Adam Jortner Christopher Rich No Place for Saints: Mobs and Mormons in Jacksonian America By Adam Jortner (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2021. Pp. 185. Notes, index. Paperbound, $22.95.) For many Americans, tales of angelic visitations, seer stones, and speaking in tongues seem like a peculiar manifestation of the religious impulse. It is therefore no surprise that Mormonism, built on a foundation of such supernatural phenomena, is often treated as a kind of exotic curiosity. Outlandish claims can render its practitioners suspect, particularly when they enter the field of politics. Indeed, the active participation of Latter-day Saints in the [End Page 189] democratic process has occasionally incited ordinary Americans to commit acts of extreme violence. In his recent book, No Place for Saints: Mobs and Mormons in Jacksonian America, Adam Jortner examines the convergence of ecstatic religion and politics that prompted the citizens of Jackson County, Missouri, to form a vigilance committee during the summer of 1833 and expel over a thousand Mormons from their homes. Jortner also demonstrates that the Latter-day Saints, and their commitment to the supernatural, were not quite as unique as they may appear. Jortner spends much of his narrative placing the Mormon prophet, Joseph Smith, and his followers within the context of early nineteenth-century religious revivalism. He argues that this period was generally characterized by rampant sectarianism and a desire among the faithful for supernatural manifestations of grace, with a heavy undercurrent of folk magic flowing just below the surface. According to Jortner, Smith's restorationist message and claims of spiritual power fit comfortably within a landscape already populated by Separate Baptists, Campbellites, Rigdonites, Owenites, and Shakers. While many scholars focus on the conditions that existed near Smith's home in upstate New York, the \"Burned-Over District,\" Jortner emphasizes that this revival was national in scope. Yet, many mainline Protestants opposed such religious enthusiasm, viewing it as a threat to traditional Christian doctrines. From their perspective, supernatural occurrences were deeply suspicious, and those who experienced them were either deluded fanatics or charlatans. Jortner explains that such misgivings normally did not result in violence, although men like Joseph Smith were occasionally prosecuted when they used their gifts for money-making ventures. This situation changed when groups or individuals who professed supernatural abilities became involved in politics. For many Jacksonian Americans, Jortner argues, this posed a fundamental threat to democracy. He contends that Mormon religious claims became increasingly objectionable to the residents of Jackson County, as it became apparent that the growing population of Latter-day Saints would ultimately consolidate political control ov","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Horace M. Kallen in the Heartland: The Midwestern Roots of American Pluralism by Michael C. Steiner (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/imh.2023.a899508","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a899508","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Horace M. Kallen in the Heartland: The Midwestern Roots of American Pluralism by Michael C. Steiner David Weinfeld Horace M. Kallen in the Heartland: The Midwestern Roots of American Pluralism By Michael C. Steiner (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2020. Pp. ix, 240. Notes, index. $37.50.) Born in Germany, educated at Harvard, and a founding faculty member of the New School for Social Research, Jewish-American pragmatist and Zionist philosopher Horace Meyer Kallen (1882–1974) is credited with coining the term \"cultural pluralism,\" the precursor to modern multiculturalism. Kallen first used the words \"cultural pluralism\" in print in 1924, but claims to have come up with the phrase while a graduate student at Harvard and Oxford, in conversation with his student and then friend Alain Locke, sometime around 1906–1908. Locke, the first Black Rhodes Scholar, would go on to become a leading figure in the Harlem Renaissance, as well as a philosophy professor at Howard University. Kallen also pointed to his Harvard mentor William James, fellow pragmatist John Dewey, and rabbi and scholar Solomon Schechter as other inspirations for the concept of cultural pluralism. In the excellent monograph Horace M. Kallen in the Heartland: The Midwestern Roots of American Pluralism, Michael C. Steiner points to a different influence. Between 1911 and 1918, Kallen taught at the University of Wisconsin in Madison. Those seven years, according to Steiner, proved crucial to Kallen's [End Page 202] development of cultural pluralism. This is most evident in the fact that Kallen published \"Democracy versus the Melting Pot,\" his most significant exposition of cultural pluralism, in the February 18 and 25, 1915, issues of the progressive magazine The Nation. Cultural pluralism is a fairly simple idea. Contra the racist anti-immigrant xenophobia of the era, but also the crudely assimilationist metaphor of the \"melting pot,\" cultural pluralism embraced the contributions that different ethnic groups made to American life if they retained their national characters. It is an idea often associated with New York, the immigrant-heavy city where Kallen lived most of his life after leaving Wisconsin. Yet as Steiner astutely observes, \"immigrants from Germany, Scandinavia, and Poland, and their children, constituted over 50% of Wisconsin's population during Kallen's years there\" (p. 73). Kallen also spent a significant amount of time in Chicago, forming a close friendship with George Donlin, editor of Dial magazine, to which Kallen made several contributions, as well as with English-born playwright Maurice Browne and his wife, American actor Ellen Van Volkenberg. Their Sunday afternoon salons included such luminaries as poets Vachel Lindsay and Harriet Monroe, anarchist Emma Goldman, and writer Theodore Dreiser. Kallen's encounter with his University of Wisconsin colleague, sociologist Edward Alsworth Ross, proved even more intellectually fruitful. In 1914, Ross publishe","PeriodicalId":81518,"journal":{"name":"Indiana magazine of history","volume":"98 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}