国际关系与外交:英文版最新文献

{"title":"New Systemic Order and Foreign Policy Strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East","authors":"Hamid Sarmadi, Javid Karimi Nerbin, E. Hassanpour","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.08.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.08.002","url":null,"abstract":"The international system has characteristics that have a direct influence on the foreign policy of the countries. Among these, the systemic cycle of power is one of the most conspicuous features of the global system and the regions that affect this issue. In this vein, the systemic order resulting from the cycle of power in the strategic policy-making circle of units can play a limiting role and influence the type of strategy and strategy. The Islamic Republic of Iran is also one of the units of international order; hence, it is not exceptional. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the order of the Middle east and, accordingly, to determine the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in that region. Accordingly, it assumes that the regional order in the Middle East puts defense strategies, especially deterrence and passive defense, at the forefront of the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East. So, the present paper, while explaining the order of the international system and the order of the Middle East region, designs the foreign policy strategies of the regions of the Islamic Republic of Iran.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47821557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Tuva, April 1914: Incorporation as a Russian Protectorate","authors":"Sureyya Yigit","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.07.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.07.001","url":null,"abstract":"There are multiple explanations concerning the roots and origins of the Tuvans and their culture (Zeahan, 2017; Bingsheng, 2011; Tumen, 2004; Hai, 1996; Hou, 2014; Glenfield, 2003; Shurkhuu, 2014; Mongush, 2014; Stone, 2012; Jianhua & Shuguang, 2014; Vainshtein, 1968; Levin, 1963; Kilunovskaya & Semyonov, 2019; Boeschoten, 1998; Kara, 2018; Alkaya, 2009; Küçük, 2015; Özbek, 2016; Kormuşin, 2001; Koçoğlu-Gündoğdu, 2011; Arikoğlu, 1999; Arıkoğlu & Borbaanay, 2007; Baran, 2017; Çetintaş, 2008). A central theme found in the academic literature concerns the Tuvans who religiously are closely related to the Mongol people, who are Turkic not solely due to linguistic familiarity, but due to ethnic roots which include and encompass the Yenisei Kyrgyz (Arikoğlu, 1997). Scholarly narratives concerning Tuva becoming a protectorate of Czarist Russia tend to contextualise this action within Russia’s rivalry with China. The 1911 Chinese Revolution provided an opportunity to annex Tuvan territory, culminating in Tuva becoming the final territorial expansion of the Empire before the Bolshevik Revolution. This research showcases that the Tuvan people were intent on much closer relations with newly independent Mongolia. The author argues that the Tuvan people belonging to the Turkic family of nations shared important values with and identified much more closely with Mongolia than Russia due to their common religion: Buddhism. The author stresses the fact that the increasing presence of Russians in Tuva in the mid 19th century resulted in the acknowledgement of two highly unfamiliar cultures and viewpoints. Utilising primary sources this work sheds light on the debates and choices Russia faced concerning Tuva and the opposition maintained by the new Mongol entity intent on unifying under its auspices peoples which were considered very close if not the same. This research highlights the Tuvan predicament as being located in more of a triangular contest than what is usually presented as a bilateral power struggle.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47873324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Sino-GCC Relations in the Age of China “Go Global” Strategy","authors":"E. Yazdani","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.07.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.07.003","url":null,"abstract":"The Persian Gulf as a crucial region has been in the center of the global powers’ strategies. China, as a growing international power, in the framework of “Go Global” strategy, has cemented its multidimensional ties with the Persian Gulf countries, particularly the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) monarchies during the last three decades. China has established comprehensive strategic relations with the GCC states. The GCC sultanates have also attempted to deepen their collaboration with China in different fields. The bilateral relations between China and GCC countries mainly focused on energy, economy, trade, finance, relatively politics, security, military, culture and recently COVID-19. In recent years, the Chinese Belt and Road project has deepened the relationship between China and GCC countries and has effectively contributed to the Chinese “Go Global” strategy.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41407460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Rohingya Crisis: An Analysis Through a Theoretical Perspective","authors":"S. Rai, Preeti Sharma","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.07.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.07.004","url":null,"abstract":"The large scale exodus of Rohingyas to Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand as a consequence of relentless persecution by the Myanmar state has gained worldwide attention. UN Secretary General, Guterres called it “ethnic cleansing” and the “humanitarian situation as catastrophic”. This catastrophic situation can be traced back to the systemic and structural violence perpetrated by the state and the society wherein the Burmans and Buddhism are taken as the central rallying force of the narrative of the nation-state. This paper tries to analyze the Rohingya discourse situating it in the theoretical precepts of securitization, structural violence, and ethnic identity. The historical antecedents and particular circumstances and happenings were construed selectively and systematically to highlight the ethnic, racial, cultural, and linguistic identity of Rohingyas to exclude them from the “national imagination” of the state. This culture of pervasive prejudice prevailing in Myanmar finds manifestation in the legal provisions whereby certain peripheral minorities including Rohingyas have been denied basic civil and political rights. This legal-juridical disjunction to seal the historical ethnic divide has institutionalized and structuralized the inherent prejudice leveraging the religious-cultural hegemony. The newly instated democratic form of government, by its very virtue of the call of the majority, has also been contributed to reinforce this schism. The armed attacks by ARSA has provided the tangible spur to the already nuanced systemic violence in Myanmar and the Rohingyas are caught in a vicious cycle of politicization of ethnic identity, structural violence, and securitization.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43979083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Contending Claim Over Abyei by Sudan and South Sudan: Challenges Ahead","authors":"Diriba Mangasha Dabala, Tariku Raga Lencho","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.06.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.06.004","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on examining entangled factors that complicate the claim over Abyei and have thereby hindered any peaceful settlement of the dispute on the county. Many works of literature that presented the conflict in Abyei as natural resource conflict or identity-driven within a broader picture of conflicts in Sudan are factually flawed and poorly explained the nature and causes of the conflict. This paper contends that multiplicity of factors has reinforced each other, thus these factors in unison created a stalemate and continuing claim over Abyei. In examining these interwoven factors, the paper employed a qualitative approach to conduct the study. Both primary and secondary data sources were used adequately. Various academic pieces of literature, researches, and conference reports have been used as secondary data sources. Key informant interviews were used to gather primary data to test secondary sources. Hence, the study comes up with three basic findings. First, claim over Abyei has been sustained by the elites’ manipulation of identity for their political and economic goals that hinder peaceful co-existence among communities in Abyei. Second, the competition over resources chiefly oil and locally, pasture and water complicated already fragile and tense relation by alluring national actors that even more protracted conflict on the ground to control these resources. Finally, the double standard in U.S. policy towards Abyei, by and large, helps Khartoum to continue its obstruction tactics to maintain the status quo.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42464834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"U.S. and International Legal Perspectives Affecting Cybersecurity Corporate Governance","authors":"P. Morrow, T. Fitzpatrick","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.06.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.06.001","url":null,"abstract":"International and U.S. corporations must be well advised regarding specific regulations and laws that affect cybersecurity decisions because the Board of Directors must perform due diligence to avoid regulatory negligence and lawsuit liability. Depending on the standards and the regulations that do define reasonable care, the corporate director is faced with the challenge of determining how and what cybersecurity laws apply. Then, directors can institute best cybersecurity management practices. This paper provides guidance regarding the application of the law in the areas of cyber security for the international corporations interacting with the European General Data Protection Regulations (GDPR), the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), and recent Federal Trade Commission (FTC) administrative agency rulings. Reading this paper is worth your time because it will inform you of the legal challenges that international and domestic corporations face in making decisions about spending capital to manage cybersecurity and at the same time perform due diligence. In other words, if there is a cybersecurity breach, this paper will provide insights into what law must be followed by the corporation enabling the best management decisions assuring adequate response, compliance, thereby avoiding unnecessary liability risk. The paper also provides reflections about whether the GDPR serves as a better legal comprehensive regulatory model rather than the recently enacted laws in the U.S.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45709814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo’s Multilateral Role Conception and US and China Policies","authors":"Tatsuro Debroux","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.05.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.05.001","url":null,"abstract":"Promotion of multilateralism has been one of key Japanese roles. It is not limited to support to the United Nations but also related to the promotion of global and regional free trade in Asia-Pacific. This article shows the result of a research based on Japanese, United States, and Chinese political leaders’ statements and behaviors related to economic multilateralism during the second Abe administration. The research uses role theory as a theoretical framework. This article proves that Prime Minister Abe has consistently endorsed multilateralism, deepening economic ties both Asia-Pacific and European countries by examining Japanese, US, and Chinese political leaders’ speeches, interviews, and remarks on the media. His foreign policy does not indicate unilateralism or dismissal of international cooperation because he perceives multilateralism is essential for Japan’s prosperity and security. In addition, Abe does not break the ties with the US but it is difficult to say that Japan-China relations improved during his tenure. This is because China’s influence will grow and the importance of Japan will relatively decline in Asia-Pacific.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":"16 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41307963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Brazil and Indonesia: Horizons of a Strategic Partnership","authors":"A. Borzova, J. D. C. Santos, M. Dame","doi":"10.31857/s0044748x0009595-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0009595-3","url":null,"abstract":"There are many similarities between the national growth of Brazil and Indonesia. Both countries are rich in natural resources, play a vital role in the establishment of regional blocs, are members of G-20 and adhere to the principles of preventive diplomacy. The objective of this article is to show the role of the concept of strategic partnerships in the foreign policy of Brazil, whose international influence in the UN and other global structures is actively growing, and also to identify the characteristics of such partnership with Indonesia. Southeast Asia is becoming extremely important for the international economic system, and Indonesia, located on 17,000 islands, has an important geostrategic position, since all major sea routes in the Indian and Pacific Ocean pass through it. Indonesia is currently distinguished thanks to its steady economic growth, political stability, integration into the global economy, and increased activity on international platforms. Consequently, it is no surprise that Brazilian-Indonesian strategic partnership has started to manifest itself not only in the development of comprehensive ties, but also in the cooperation in upholding the ideas of sustainable development, disarmament, as well as the peaceful resolution of conflicts on the global level. The authors utilized a problematic-chronological method that allowed to analyze the areas of contacts between Brazil and Indonesia in the global arena, to find the problems and promising areas of partnership—including the oil and gas sector, the exchange of technologies, the creation of favorable investment climate, the coordination of activity in international organizations, and willingness to take into consideration mutual interests.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43671391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Political Disinformation on the Net and the Risk to Democracy","authors":"G. Marchetti","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.05.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.05.004","url":null,"abstract":"The essay aims at analyzing the relationship between the changes of political information, disseminated through the net, and the dangers to democracy. In particular, three topics will be addressed: the change of ways of making political information on the net; the new characteristics of political information disseminated on the net and the risk for democracy; the need to combat political disinformation on the net through adequate regulation. In this regard, the paper analyzes the measures adopted in some European countries, such as France, Germany, and Spain, aimed at countering disinformation online and fake news, especially in the field of political information, and the action started by the European Union for this purpose. The measures adopted by some European countries are aimed at: repressing the disinformation and fake news; providing transparency obligations for providers; promoting media literacy programs. Instead, the European Union preferred to resort to self-regulation by providers. In fact, although the European Union can adopt a regulation containing specific obligations for providers, for the moment it has provided for the adoption of a Code of good practice to combat disinformation which is not binding on them. In this regard, the paper analyzes the possible measures that States and European Union could introduce in order to combat the phenomenon of political disinformation able to influence the voters and condition the electoral competitions. Finally, the paper focuses on the effectiveness of these measures and their limits.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47892958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Terrorist Framework and Inclination: The Behavourial Pattern of Boko Haram in Nigeria","authors":"Regis Chima Anyaeze","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.04.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.04.001","url":null,"abstract":"Boko Haram has become a household name in Nigeria, Africa and globally. In Nigeria, people refer “Boko Haram” to persons who threaten others or cause others to panic. In public and private spheres, people scamper for their live at the shout of “Boko Haram”! These describe the level of insecurity and security alert that Boko Haram has occasioned in Nigeria. Alert, not in the sense of responding to ensured security, but rather in the sense of a level of consciousness devoid of security and safety―a reaction to hopeless situation. This is because the security personnel (police or military) has never prevented attacks or raids by Boko Haram or known to have carried out any swift operation to rescue victims of attacks or raids. The last two decades (more since 2012) has witnessed a collapse of national and sub-regional security owing to the activities of Boko Haram. The security situation has continued to degenerate, despite national, regional, and international efforts to contain the threats and activities of Boko Haram. Boko Haram has carried out more than 330 successful attacks and raids, more than 50 suicide attacks, destroyed more than 20 national and international symbols, Since 2011, the sect has withstood Nigeria’s military and defense strategies with equanimity, claiming more than 200 Nigerian plus 92 military Chadian personnel, capturing and destroying more than $200 million worth of military equipment. Military installations, open markets, religious-worshipping houses, government and defense institutions have remained consistent targets for Boko Haram’s attack. The level of attacks, intelligence and near unbeatable approach being displayed by Boko Haram situate Boko Haram in de broader framework of international terrorism and depict a high level of negligence or compromise from the security institutions and the Nigerian state. The swapping of captives, striking of deals, negotiated release of Boko Haram captives, attempts at general or selected amnesty, and the huge benefits of political economy of terrorism equally suggest that Boko Haram has not only been an enemy, but a veritable partner of the Nigerian State, with its defeat not foreseeable anytime in the near future.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43631471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}