国际关系与外交:英文版最新文献

{"title":"China and the United States’ Critical Roles in Tackling Climate Change and Shaping the International Regimes","authors":"Fang-Ting Cheng","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.04.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.04.004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that major powers can play critical roles in a complicated regime system, as evidenced by China and the U.S. which have had pivotal influence in the construction of the post-2020 climate regime. China and the U.S. have participated in multilateral consultations beyond the scope of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) while making use of many political platforms, such as Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), G20, and informal meetings and dialogues to bridge the gap among various approaches to mitigating climate impacts. China-U.S. bilateral cooperation has incorporated energy and climate issues into the strategic and economic dialogue (S & ED) and launched other schemes, such as EcoPartnerships and wide-ranging dialogues and initiatives on clean energy/clean vehicles. These schemes support the reconciliation of ideas related to domestic abatement policies in the areas of energy, climate change, and environmental protection. Since the Trump administration came to power in 2017, the bilateral cooperation at national level has been retreated significantly and therefore slowdown the UN’s institutional response to climate change. At the stage, the U.S. may not be able to play a critical role in shaping the regime, yet China is regarded to be the most important player in negotiations under the Paris Agreement.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47434671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"State-Company Institutional Complementarities on Biomedical R & D in the US and Its Global Consequences","authors":"Felipe Penhorate Carvalho da Fonseca, Felipe Carvalho","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.04.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.04.003","url":null,"abstract":"Financial accumulation and technological dominance by transnational biopharmaceutical companies ― and its global consequences ― have been an important research topic at innovation economics, institutional economics, and international political economy literature. The United States is a privileged field for investigation, as it is home both for the companies that control the core of this industry and for the highest State-led investments on biomedical research and development (R & D). New analytical approaches that focus on State-Company interactions identify dysfunctional relations on risks and rewards. However, a neglected angle on this debate is the geopolitical dynamics surrounding market concentration, knowledge control, and technological asymmetry in the biopharmaceutical sector. This paper combines a qualitative analysis of State-Company institutional complementarities in the biopharmaceutical sector, comprised by analysis of selected official documents, review of empirical data and a case study, with a theoretical investigation inspired on the institutional thought of Torstein Veblen, the structuralism of Susan Strange and the realistic approach to international political economy of José Luis Fiori. We propose a new analytical framework in which State-Company interactions in the US are seen as symbiotic, taken under the systemic functioning of a “medical-technological-financial-complex”, what suggests “biopharmaceutical geopolitics” as an important field for future studies. The big circles represent the investments made by the selected government agencies (U$39.4 billion), by the eight largest US-based pharmaceutical companies (U$44.4 billion) and by small and medium US-based companies (U$45 billion). The small circles represents government funding through direct contracts, SBIR/STTR funds, NIH “extramural” grants, etc. The line represents joint development efforts, collaboration and technology transfer agreements, through CRADAs, NIH licenses, etc. The small triangles represents mergers & acquisitions (M & A).","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44327365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Global Value Chains and the Evolution of Chinese Economic Model","authors":"Fernanda Ilhéu","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.04.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.04.002","url":null,"abstract":"Synopsys of 70 Years of the Economic Model Evolution The historical evolution of the economic relations between China and the world in the last 70 years is correlated first with the Chinese economic struggle for economic survival and latter its economic growth sustainability. Each phase allowed China to establish different relations with the world and was closely followed by the Chinese economic diplomacy. Four stages in this process should be considered. In the first phase from 1949 till 1979, People’s Republic of China (PRC) closely followed the soviet economic model, with total nationalization of the means of production, closed economy, investment in heavy industry, light industry to replace imports, with the main economic activity being the artisanal agriculture; as we can see in Figure 1, this policy was a complete failure in economic terms, and China diplomatic relations were mainly with countries of Marxist-Leninist influence. According to the Word Bank, in the first 38 years of China, economic reform took 700 million people out poverty line in China at the same time benefiting the Global South economy due to the integration of the transnational enterprises global value chains with China. Chinese government understood the economic rational of global value chains, Flying Geese Model, and foreign direct investment theories and introduced policies to attract foreign capital, technology, production, and foreign buyers, placing China as the final stage of the production networks in Asia and also transforming China in the biggest buying market of many resources and energy suppliers from less developed countries in Asia, Africa, and South America. But a new model of Chinese economic development even more interconnected and interdependent with the world is now on move. Even quite before the world acknowledge the protectionist mindset of the US in Trump era, Chinese President Xi Jinping launched in 2013 a very ambitious initiative under the name of “One Road, One Belt, the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road” to enhance a new stage of world globalization, which together with two complimentary initiatives: the “International Production Cooperation” and “Third-Country Market Cooperation”, and in complementarity with the “Made in China 2025” and “Internet Plus” plans will lead China to develop global value chains leaded by Chinese companies and integrating countries of Europe, Africa, Asia, and South America.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48814477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Electoral Authoritarianism in Togo: How Has Foreign Aid Impacted the Democratization Process in Togo From 2005 to 2010?","authors":"Edoh Agbehonou","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.03.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.03.001","url":null,"abstract":"After four decades of military dictatorship, Togo is still facing a dilemma of whether to break with the past and take a path of democratization or make changes in the continuity. The death of the former President Gnassingbe Eyadema in 2005 was seen by the Togolese community at home and around the world as a window of opportunity or a step toward the emergence of the political liberalization in the country. Unfortunately, with the backing of the Togolese army, Faure Gnassingbe, one of the sons of Eyadema, was enthroned as the country’s new President since 2005. The international economic sanctions on Togo in the aftermath of the death of Eyadema, due to continuing human rights abuses and violations by the authoritarian regime, have accentuated the already acute suffering and poverty of the Togolese population. However, the 2006 Global Political Agreement reached between the traditional political opposition parties and the government paved the way to the normalization of the international cooperation with Togo and hence the lifting of economic sanctions by the international community. Drawing from Solow-Swan growth model and a cross-national causality test of the development-democracy-growth hypothesis of Abbas Pourgerami, this paper investigates the impact of foreign aid on the democratization process since 2005 and argues that foreign aid played a paramount role in consolidating electoral authoritarianism instead of establishing a viable democracy in Togo.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47867067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Death of the Security Goddess Securitas: Brave New World","authors":"Emre Baysoy","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.03.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.03.002","url":null,"abstract":"The term “security” comes from the word “Securitas”. Securitas was the Goddess of security and stability, in the Roman Empire. In modern times, security is often described as the absence of threat and fear. However, this conceptualization has perils of which Aldous Huxley’s novel Brave New World can be accepted as the most extreme example. In such a world there is no need for the security goddess Securitas anymore. Everything is automated from birth to death. There is no fear and nothing to be afraid of, but the price that is paid, is becoming robotic in a totalitarian society. That is why a new conceptualization and a new definition of security can help prevent and overcome this totalitarian problem. By analyzing the main themes of the BNW novel without going into the details of the events and characters; the main purpose of this paper is to examine the issue of security and its nature and to offer a new definition of security. Firstly, a very short plot of the novel will be given. Secondly, the themes and ideas of the BNW will be discussed in terms of why it is a dystopia rather than a utopia. Thirdly, BNW will be evaluated in juxtaposition with the concept of security. Finally, an alternative definition of the concept of security will be offered in order to enhance its meaning and also to be able to prevent the coming of a possible future like BNW.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47302472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Origins of the War on Terrorism Paradigm","authors":"A. Hobson","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.03.005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.03.005","url":null,"abstract":"It is now widely accepted among scholars that a new national security paradigm emerged in the United States after 9/11. Th parad gm h ft acc mpa ed the Ge rge W. Bu h adm trat ’ dec arat f a “g ba war terr r” and consisted of new interpretations of domestic and international law, new recognition of the threats posed by non-state actors, and a stated determination to eradicate threats everywhere before they emerged. Yet most ch ar h p ha eg ected exam at f th parad gm’ r g . t became d m a t after 9/11, but t d d t originate then. Examination of these origins and the original context shows that the war on terrorism paradigm was t created re p e t a cata tr ph c attack the Amer ca “h me a d”; rather t ar e ut f a x et e ab ut U.S. capacity exert its will in the Third World. Its foundations were established long before its post-9/11 revival. This paper places these origins within the context of U.S.-Middle East relations in the 1980s. It reads together the public discourses of Lebanese Hizbullah and of U.S. Secretary of State George P. Shultz who, more than any other U.S. official, promulgated the justifications for the war on terrorism, to show that the notion of a jihad aimed at American power and of a war on terrorism had a basis in anxieties about the capacity of American power in the M dd e Ea t. The art c e u e the auth r’ r g a tra at f the H zbu ah’ 1985 “Ope Letter t the Oppre ed” a g de Ge rge Shu tz’ pub c pr u ceme t betwee the tart f the U.S. terve t Lebanon in 1982 and the climax of the Iran-Contra scandal. It argues that provocations of the war on terrorism and the war on terrorism itself emerged out of emotions connected to the efficacy of American power in the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44701827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Three Tales of Capitalism and Creative Economy","authors":"Diego Santos Vieira de Jesus","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.02.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.02.001","url":null,"abstract":" The aim is to examine how the creative economy develops in shareholder, state, and stakeholder capitalism. In the shareholder capitalism, the creative economy is headed by large companies in cooperation with governments, which replicate pregiven formulas of governance with no consideration of local specificities, and reinforces the exclusion of small and medium-sized creative enterprises. The state capitalism has the government authorities as the main drivers of the creative economy’s growth, which is usually connected to their political interest in preserving authority and manipulating the population. In the stakeholder capitalism, companies should pay their fair share of taxes, show zero tolerance for corruption, uphold human rights throughout their global supply chains, and advocate for a competitive level playing field. These elements create the specific conditions for a more diversified set of actors leading the initiatives dedicated to the development of creative","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42036050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"France’s Strategy on Migration Issues in the Mediterranean","authors":"Kazunari Sakai, Gilles Ferragu","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.02.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.02.002","url":null,"abstract":"The Arab Spring, which started in Tunisia in late 2010, brought about political change towards democratization in many countries in the area from North Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, and abrupt political changes took place around the world, creating a significant number of immigrants and refugees. Immigrants and refugees from North African countries, such as Libya, have crossed the Mediterranean, whilst from Syria they have targeted the EU via a land-based route through Turkey. The EU member states that have served as the geographical points of entry for this large-scale influx of migrants were Italy and Greece, but migrants travelling via Italy have often moved on to neighboring France (although this may not necessarily be their final destination). When the first such “wave” surged out of Tunisia in 2011, France was forced to deal with the sudden increase of migrants and refugees, and blocked the operation of the railways across the Italian border in order to prevent this influx 1 . Although this was a temporary measure, the Italian government responded by saying that France’s response was in violation of the Schengen Agreement, and this can be seen as the beginning of a debate on the EU’s response to the migrants and refugees, including how to maintain the Schengen Agreement thereafter. France has long been a host country for immigrants (Sakai, 2016), with many immigrants residing in locations such as Paris, the capital city, and Marseilles, France’s second-largest city which faces the Mediterranean. The gateways for the large-scale movement of immigrants and refugees accompanying the Arab","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47342404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Nesting Orientalisms: Case of Hungary, Its Imaginary Occidentalisation Process, and Inconsistencies","authors":"C. Aydoğan","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.01.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.01.003","url":null,"abstract":" What is the border between Central and Eastern Europe? This is an unanswered question in the literature of contemporary European history and politics. In the modern state system, imaginary boundaries are products of the imagined communities, and these boundaries also cause either to occidentalize or to orientalize the lands due to its top-down/elitist imagination procedure. During the Cold War years, anti-USSR voices are important to see the certain demand for Europeanization among people in today’s Central Europe where there especially had the communist legacy. In general, the ultimate goal is to identify themselves as more western among Central and Eastern European states for the sake of civilizational values of the Enlightenment and to reach today’s contested Neoliberal welfare. This desire causes Nesting Orientalisms , Milica Bakic-Hayden’s concept. Nesting Orientalisms are about re-constructing new Orient in the same region to hierarchizeitself as occidental. Through the process of mapping its location and construction of occidental identity, Hungary defines itself as a part of Central Europe. But what are the legitimated reasons of Hungary to define itself as Central European instead of Eastern Europe? Do these reasons perfectly fit in today’s Central European formulation and stereotype? What are the possible reasons to reject Hungary’s Central European self-definition? Moreover, under the shadow of the discussion on Central Europe vs. Eastern Europe, to what extent does the rise of authoritarianism block ongoing occidentalisation process of Hungary? In this research, I will answer these questions by analyzing modern political history of Hungary by the method of interpretivist process","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48546836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"An Analyze of Anti-Drug Policy and Its Effects of Enrique Peña Nieto’s Government in Mexico","authors":"L. Lingling","doi":"10.17265/2328-2134/2020.01.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2020.01.004","url":null,"abstract":" The drug problem has gradually penetrated into Mexican politics, economy, culture, and other fields since the 20th century, and has become an important factor affecting Mexico’s development. Enrique Peña Nieto took office in 2012, and implemented a new anti-drug policy. His government has made reducing violence a major goal of the anti-drug operation, using the national gendarmerie to counter the drug violence, and reforming the judiciary to prevention crime. Enrique Peña Nieto’s anti-drug policy has achieved certain results at the beginning of his term. However, the weakness of the national gendarmerie, corruption, and the sluggish economic development have affected the anti-drug policy, and caused it to fail. The drug problem in Mexico is affected by multiple factors, and its solution is a long","PeriodicalId":70059,"journal":{"name":"国际关系与外交:英文版","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45494965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}