Cambridge Classical Journal最新文献_第7页

Plato and Aristotle on the denial of tragedy 柏拉图和亚里士多德对悲剧的否定

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1984-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004612

S. Halliwell

{"title":"Plato and Aristotle on the denial of tragedy","authors":"S. Halliwell","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500004612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500004612","url":null,"abstract":"When Plato's and Aristotle's views on poetry are juxtaposed, it is usually for the purpose of contrast. Nowhere does the contrast seem to be so sharp as in the case of tragedy, by which both philosophers, agreeing in this at least, rightly meant Homer's Iliad as well as the plays of the Attic genre specifically given the name. While Plato made tragedy the target of his most fervent attacks on poetry, Aristotle devoted the major part of the Poetics to a reconsideration of the genre, in a sympathetic attempt, it is normally agreed, to defend it against Plato's strictures, and to restore to it some degree of valuable independence. The apparently fundamental opposition between the philosophers’ responses to tragedy can be regarded as expressive of divergent presuppositions about the status of poetry as a whole in relation to other components of culture: on the one side, the presupposition of Platonic moralism, by which poetry is subjected to judgement in terms of values, both cognitive and moral, which lie outside itself; and, on the other, of Aristotelian formalism, according to which autonomy can be established for poetry by turning the criteria of poetic excellence into standards internal and intrinsic to poetry's own forms. As Aristotle himself puts the point, in one of the Poetics ’ more suggestive pronouncements, ‘correctness in poetry is not the same as correctness in politics or in any other art.’ Here, as often, an implicit response to Plato can be detected.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"30 1","pages":"49-71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1984-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500004612","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57325630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 30

Roman aims in the First Macedonian War 罗马发动了第一次马其顿战争

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1984-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004673

J. Rich

{"title":"Roman aims in the First Macedonian War","authors":"J. Rich","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500004673","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500004673","url":null,"abstract":"Maurice Holleaux, in the brilliant study which for so long dominated discussion of Rome's early dealings with the Greek East, argued that Roman aims in the First Macedonian War were strictly defensive. The Romans' sole purpose in forming alliances with the Aetolians and other Greek powers was, he held, to prevent Philip from crossing to Italy by obliging him to fight in Greece. Roman conduct showed how limited their interest in the war in Greece was: they fulfilled their obligations to their allies halfheartedly and in the end neglected them altogether, while they viewed the other Greeks simply as a source of booty. They regarded the compromise peace reached with Philip at Phoenice as entirely satisfactory, and their decision to renew war against him in 200 was a complete reversal of policy.Although most aspects of Holleaux's interpretation of Rome's Eastern policy have generated great controversy, his treatment of the First Macedonian War has, except for certain specific points, received relatively little attention. While the significance of the Peace of Phoenice has been much discussed, most of those who have written on the war itself have been in broad agreement with Holleaux's views on the Romans' aims and conduct, and only a few brief protests have been registered. This paper is an attempt to fill this gap. I shall argue that Roman aims in the war were less limited and their conduct less half-hearted than has usually been supposed, and offer a new interpretation of the obscure last years of the war, based on a redating of the expedition of P. Sempronius Tuditanus and the Peace of Phoenice to 206.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"39 1","pages":"126-180"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1984-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500004673","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57326000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 5

Happiness and Virtue in Socrates'Moral Theory 苏格拉底道德理论中的幸福与美德

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1984-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0068673500004685

G. Vlastos

{"title":"Happiness and Virtue in Socrates'Moral Theory","authors":"G. Vlastos","doi":"10.1017/s0068673500004685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500004685","url":null,"abstract":"In Section IV above we start with texts whose prima facie import speaks so strongly for the Identity Thesis that any interpretation which stops short of it looks like a shabby, timorous, thesis-saving move. What else could Socrates mean when he declares with such conviction that ‘no evil’ can come to a good man (T19), that his prosecutors ‘could not harm’ him (T16(a)), that if a man has not been made more unjust he has not been harmed (T20), that ‘all of happiness is in culture and justice’ (T16(a)), that living well is ‘the same’ as living justly (T15)? But then doubts begin to creep in. Recalling that inflation of the quantifier is normal and innocuous in common speech (“that job means everything to him, he'll do anything to get it, will stick at nothing”) we ask if there is really no chance at all that ‘no evil’ in T19, ‘not harmed’ in T20 might be meant in the same way? The shift from ‘no harm’ at T16(a) to ‘no great harm’ at T16(b), once noticed, strengthens the doubt. It gets further impetus in T21(b) when to explain how ‘all of happiness is in culture and justice’ he depicts a relation (that recurs more elaborately in T22) which, though still enormously strong, is not quite as strong as would be required by identity. The doubt seeps into T15 when we note that current usage did allow just that relation as a respectable use of ‘the same’.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"30 1","pages":"181-213"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1984-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0068673500004685","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57325728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 7

The emergence of the state in the prehistoric Aegean 国家在史前爱琴海的出现

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1984-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004600

J. Cherry

{"title":"The emergence of the state in the prehistoric Aegean","authors":"J. Cherry","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500004600","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500004600","url":null,"abstract":"It is widely accepted that distinctive polities of an institutional complexity sufficient to consider as ‘states’ first appeared in the Aegean area shortly after c. 2000 B.C. Most scholars would also agree that the origins of these palace-centred societies of Minoan Crete cannot be understood without extensive reference to developments taking place within and beyond the Aegean during a long formative period spanning the late fourth and the whole of the third millennia B.C. Yet that is an era so remote that it lies well beyond the reach of even the most enthusiastic adherent of Homer as a source of information about the Bronze Age, beyond any demonstrable relevance of later Greek memory in myth and legend, well before the period to which the Mycenaean Linear B tablets refer – indeed, before the existence of written records of any sort in the region, at least in a form we can read at present. Such a dearth of documentary evidence, even of a very indirect or secondary character, might seem prima facie to damn the investigation of the emergence of the first states on Greek soil as inherently speculative and, to a degree, that is so; but in many respects the same or similar problems have to be faced in studying the later emergence of the Greek city-state. As Snodgrass has reminded us, the ancient Greek political analysts provide a wide range of ostensibly confident statements about the nature and aetiology of many early legal and religious institutions, yet they have scarcely anything to say about the appearance of the political entity of which they themselves claimed citizenship and they throw very little light on the origins of what they were analyzing. Indeed, he claims ‘it is doubtful how far, if at all, contemporary consciousness of the emergence of a “state” existed.’","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"30 1","pages":"18-48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1984-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500004600","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57325574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 45

The horrible and ultimate Britons: Catullus 11.11 可怕的终极英国人:卡图卢斯11.11

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1984-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004636

D. Mckie

引用次数: 10

Family and inheritance in the Augustan marriage laws 奥古斯都婚姻法中的家庭与继承

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1981-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004326

A. Wallace-Hadrill

引用次数: 100

Notes on the Younger Pliny 小普林尼笔记

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1981-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004314

D. R. S. Bailey

引用次数: 0

The politics of Spartan pederasty 斯巴达人的鸡奸政治

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1981-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004296

Paul Cartledge

{"title":"The politics of Spartan pederasty","authors":"Paul Cartledge","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500004296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500004296","url":null,"abstract":"Homosexuality, it would appear, now claims the space in the public prints that was not long ago lavished on the ‘woman question’. Its prominence in contemporary life is reflected in art. Nearly sixty current journals dealing with the subject in all its multifarious manifestations are listed in the eighteenth edition of Ulrich's International Periodical Directory (1979). The experience of homosexuals in the concentration camps and the role of the homosexual as hero in contemporary fiction have lately provided matter for books. Recent biographies of Havelock Ellis, Edward Carpenter and W. H. Auden discuss their subjects' practice of or writings on homosexual behaviour. Masters and Johnson have now applied their quantitative approach to homoerotic physical response. Christian attitudes to homosexuality, notably in mediaeval Europe, have been extensively canvassed. In a less scholarly vein Edmund White has written of his travels in gay America; he, like Jeffrey Weeks and other members of the British Gay Left Collective, is much concerned with the politics and political vocabulary of homosexuality. Many other illustrations could be given. In short, ‘the love that dared not speak its name has become … insistently communicative’.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"27 1","pages":"17-36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1981-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500004296","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57325487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 37

The ‘Aulularia’ of Plautus and its Greek original 普劳图斯的《奥古拉里亚》及其希腊原文

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1981-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004302

Richard Hunter

{"title":"The ‘Aulularia’ of Plautus and its Greek original","authors":"Richard Hunter","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500004302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500004302","url":null,"abstract":"The Aulularia has always been one of the most popular and most studied of Plautus' plays, both because of its intrinsic interest and quality and also because of its later influence in the European dramatic tradition. In the large amount of scholarly work which has been devoted to this play the identity of the author of Plautus' Greek model and the alterations which Plautus may have made in this model have been much discussed. Research on these questions was, however, placed on a quite new footing in 1958 by the publication of Menander's Dyscolus: the striking similarities between these plays have now produced a loose consensus of scholarly opinion, although the dissenting voice can still be heard. The two conclusions upon which most scholars who have written recently on this subject seem to agree are that the Plautine changes to the Greek model were relatively minor, consisting in the omission of one or two scenes and the expansion of a couple of others, and that Menander was the author of the Greek original. Although it will become clear that I am very sceptical of the former of these propositions and have at least an open mind on the latter, the aim of this present paper is simply to re-open discussion of the relationship between the Aulularia and its Greek original by pointing to some problems which have been neglected and to others which have not yet been satisfactorily answered. In Part I I discuss the division of the Greek original into five acts and the conclusions to be drawn from difficulties in this division and in Part II I examine a further problem in the Aulularia which might have some bearing on the question of the authorship of the Greek original.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"27 1","pages":"37-49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1981-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500004302","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57325496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 23

Dramatic character and ‘human intelligibility’ in Greek tragedy 希腊悲剧中的戏剧角色与“人的可理解性”

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1978-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S006867350000403X

J. Gould

{"title":"Dramatic character and ‘human intelligibility’ in Greek tragedy","authors":"J. Gould","doi":"10.1017/S006867350000403X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S006867350000403X","url":null,"abstract":"Plays, we say, are about people, about people doing and saying things. What they say and do gives us access to the kind of people they are – their personalities, their individuality, their ‘character’. And we find people interesting. Simply, crudely put, this is the basis of what we call our interest in dramatic character. It is in her clear-sighted attention to this simple but central fact that Mrs. Easterling's essay on ‘Presentation of character in Aeschylus’ is at its most effective. But as we go on to ask further questions, about precisely what our interest in dramatic personality amounts to, about what it springs from and what are its necessary conditions in dramatic and theatrical form, further discriminations become necessary. I am not at all sure, for example, that it is true, as Mrs. Easterling suggests, that ‘the people and events of Aeschylean drama … convince us with the same kind of blinding authenticity as we find in Shakespeare and George Eliot'. We may have to distinguish between very different modes of authenticity. Again, Mrs. Easterling's appeal to ‘human intelligibility’ seems to me not without ambiguity. This paper is an attempt to forward discussion of dramatic personality in the context of Greek tragedy by examining some of the ambiguities inherent in the concept and to offer some possible discriminations. It is a contribution to an argument rather than a statement of a position.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"24 1","pages":"43-67"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1978-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S006867350000403X","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57325426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 58