{"title":"Law enforcement at the margin of the law: Information provision and support for militarization in Mexico","authors":"Abby Córdova, Lucía Tiscornia","doi":"10.1177/00223433251349462","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251349462","url":null,"abstract":"Democracies have turned to the militarization of public security as a primary strategy to combat organized crime. Mounting evidence demonstrates that this policy results in the escalation of violence and human rights violations. However, militarization continues to enjoy broad public support. Widespread citizen support poses a challenge to democracy as it can result in the election and empowerment of political leaders favoring militarization, enabling further human rights abuses. We propose and test an information-based theory of change in policy support. We evaluate the effects of increasing the salience of information on state armed actors’ frequent collusion with criminal organizations vis-à-vis the human consequences of militarized operations, in addition to the systematic nature of state armed actors’ unlawful behavior as reported by human rights organizations. We test our hypotheses in Mexico using an original two-wave online panel survey with a conjoint experiment embedded in the second wave. The findings show that making collusion salient reduces support for militarization, independent of the state armed actor in charge. Exposure to information about lethal violence against innocents also results in overall lower policy support, but not information on the systematic nature of abuses. Further analyses suggest that this null finding results from high tolerance for unlawful state armed actors’ behavior, as long as it is perceived to serve the purpose of fighting criminals. However, unlawful behavior that reinforces organized crime, such as collusion, effectively reduces militarization support.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144898807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Party competition and the limits of electoral coercion: Evidence from Colombia","authors":"Andres D Uribe","doi":"10.1177/00223433251352656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251352656","url":null,"abstract":"In democracies around the world, armed non-state actors often use force to influence the outcome of elections. These actors leverage the threat of violence to deter candidates they oppose and intimidate voters into turning out for politicians they favor. But we know little about when these attempts succeed or fail. I show that the effectiveness of coercive interventions in elections is inhibited by local party competition. Competitive electoral constituencies attract attention and investment from parties, political elites, and civil society, restricting the ability of armed actors to successfully coerce voters and politicians. I evaluate this argument against evidence from a paradigmatic case of violent intervention in elections: the attempted capture of the 2002 Colombian Senate elections by the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC). I find that the AUC’s efforts to channel votes toward allied politicians succeeded in party strongholds but overwhelmingly failed in competitive constituencies. Mechanism tests provide evidence that this relationship operates through the channels I theorize. Robust democratic competition, these results suggest, may offer a bulwark against the violent capture of democracy.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144898808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Conflict exposure and democratic values: Evidence from wartime Ukraine","authors":"Kristin M Bakke, Marianne Dahl, Kit Rickard","doi":"10.1177/00223433251347769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251347769","url":null,"abstract":"How do experiences of violence in war shape ordinary people’s commitment to democratic principles? Wars often lead to a temporary suspension of democratic rights, yet extant research suggests that wartime violence can both strengthen and undermine support for democracy. We argue that these effects vary across different dimensions of democracy. Drawing on public opinion surveys fielded in Ukraine in October 2022 and July 2024, amidst the ongoing war with Russia, we examine how experiences of wartime violence affect people’s commitment to protecting three core liberal democracy principles: minority rights, freedom of speech, and free and fair elections. Our most consistent finding is that individuals who have been physically injured or lost a close family member or friend are less likely to be supportive of safeguarding the protection of minority rights. We find weaker, though still suggestive, evidence that such experiences are also related to attitudes toward freedom of speech. By contrast, experiences of wartime violence do not systematically influence views on safeguarding free and fair elections. These results speak to democratic resilience in Ukraine but underscore the importance of assessing individual democratic principles – rather than democracy in the abstract – as experiences of violence may impact different dimensions of democracy differently.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144901707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Domestic terrorism and the allocation of US overseas defense spending","authors":"Ruixing Cao","doi":"10.1177/00223433251341741","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251341741","url":null,"abstract":"How do domestic terrorist attacks in a recipient country influence the inflow of US overseas defense spending (ODS)? While extant literature on domestic terrorism has paid great attention to its consequences in areas such as economic development, elections, and authoritarian survival, few studies have studied how domestic terrorism influences cooperation between countries. At the same time, the increasing power competition between major powers has renewed scholars’ interest in state overseas defense spending as a strategic tool for power projection. In this article, I propose a theory that connects domestic terrorist attacks with the inflow of US overseas defense spending. With more domestic terrorist attacks, the incumbents are under more pressure from other political elites and the public. Support from major powers such as the US can help leaders’ political survival. For the US, while this presents an opportunity to preserve or even expand its influence on foreign countries and protect its overseas interests, there are risks and uncertainties associated with supporting countries with deteriorating security environments. Compared to other types of support, such as state visits and military aid, overseas defense spending is a more flexible tool the US can adopt to gain policy concession while mitigating risks and uncertainties. However, this effect of domestic terrorist attacks might be conditioned by the regime type of recipient countries. Using new data on US ODS, I find support for this argument.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144898853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Strategic disruptions: The subnational targeting of internet shutdowns in India","authors":"Marika Miner","doi":"10.1177/00223433251342434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251342434","url":null,"abstract":"Since 2016, governments in 77 countries have implemented 1,118 internet shutdowns, revealing a growing trend in the use of ‘digital repression’. Governments often justify these shutdowns as necessary for public safety and applied impartially in response to security threats. Focusing on India, the country that has enacted the most shutdowns globally, this article explores whether shutdowns instead follow a logic of targeting political opponents, and how they compare with traditional forms of physical repression. The results align with a theory of strategic political targeting as shutdowns are predominantly executed in areas with lower ruling party support, following opposition violence, and prior to escalations in military violence. This pattern differs significantly from that of physical repression, revealing that internet shutdowns are a unique and politically motivated tool used by those in power to suppress opposition and facilitate state-sanctioned violence.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144612870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Barış Arı, Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, Wakako Maekawa
{"title":"How United Nations peace operations can help overcome perils to post-conflict elections","authors":"Barış Arı, Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, Wakako Maekawa","doi":"10.1177/00223433251322287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251322287","url":null,"abstract":"Agreeing to elections is generally seen as a key way to settle armed conflict and prevent recurrent violence. However, the transition from violent conflict to nonviolent electoral competition can be fraught with many challenges. Stable electoral competition requires trust in institutions, but trust often takes a long time to develop and is often lacking in post-conflict elections. We argue that UN peacebuilding operations can play an indispensable role in the development of stable electoral institutions through three interrelated ways: reducing political and electoral violence, supporting democratic attitudes and norms of peaceful coexistence, and reinforcing institutional capacity and the rule of law. Using a new measure of the expected quality of elections in post-conflict countries between 1946 and 2012, we show that UN peace missions are associated with better elections and a greater likelihood of successful transitions to electoral competition compared to post-conflict countries without UN involvement. We also find larger differences when the UN is involved in establishing electoral institutions, especially when there is no or limited prior electoral competition, indicating that the UN is effective at assisting the democratization processes in difficult contexts.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"656 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144513358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nonviolent alternatives reduce external support for rebel groups: Evidence from two cross-national survey experiments","authors":"Matthew Cebul, Jonathan Pinckney","doi":"10.1177/00223433251334919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251334919","url":null,"abstract":"How do nonviolent alternatives affect international support for violent rebel groups? Armed rebellions are often sustained by outside sympathy and support, which conditions global coordination to end intrastate conflict. Studies on reducing such support largely neglect how the emergence of alternative, nonviolent resistance groups impacts international support for violent resistance. Nonviolent alternatives could plausibly increase support for armed rebellion by <jats:italic>legitimizing the cause</jats:italic> of resistance or reduce support by <jats:italic>delegitimizing the means</jats:italic> of violent rebellion relative to nonviolent alternatives. To examine this puzzle, we conducted two online survey experiments across more than 30 countries using a pre-post design to capture changes in attitudes toward a hypothetical violent rebel group before and after the emergence of an alternative resistance group. We randomly vary both the presence and features of the alternative group, including explicitly nonviolent rhetoric, government repression and concessions, and short descriptors meant to signal the alternative group’s capacity to fill psychological needs for agency, justice, and belonging. We find that alternative resistance options consistently reduce support for armed rebellion, including among those originally most supportive of it, and that respondents strongly prefer explicitly nonviolent alternatives, yet neither the material efficacy nor the emotional resonance of those alternatives have a substantial additional effect.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144328811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham, Ted Ellsworth, Harriet Goers, Michael Cowan, Oja Pathak, Ellin Chung
{"title":"Tactics of survival: Strategies of Resistance Data Project update","authors":"Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham, Ted Ellsworth, Harriet Goers, Michael Cowan, Oja Pathak, Ellin Chung","doi":"10.1177/00223433241267866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433241267866","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents an update on the Strategies of Resistance Data Project. It extends the original coding of organizations seeking greater self-determination, including demands made by organizations, use of violent and nonviolent tactics and accommodations made to movements with a temporal range of 1960–2020. We elaborate on the update procedures, highlight trends in the data, and provide an application of the data to a number of hypotheses about organizational survival. The article explores tactics and organizational survival in a diverse set of contexts using data on both violent and nonviolent tactics. We find that employing a diversity of large-scale nonviolent tactics is associated with greater organizational survival, while accommodation by the state decreases the chance of survival.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144328812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The grass is always greener on the other side: Transnational ethnic inequality and ethno-nationalist conflict","authors":"Chong Chen, Kyle Beardsley, Nils B Weidmann","doi":"10.1177/00223433251317102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251317102","url":null,"abstract":"Existing research has shown that horizontal inequalities arising from comparisons between ethnic groups can promote ethno-nationalist conflict. However, these studies have largely focused on comparison between groups within the same country. In this article, we extend this perspective and study comparisons with kin groups abroad and how they affect the risk of ethnic civil war. In particular, we address the fact that many groups have several kin groups abroad, all of which could serve as reference points for comparison. Drawing on insights from social psychology, we argue that the comparisons made with different groups involve distinct motivations, which can yield varying degrees of stimulus related to the outbreak of ethno-nationalist conflict. Our results suggest that comparisons with kin groups abroad – especially the best (most well-off) groups, as well as the nearest or median groups – are salient in increasing the propensity for conflict incidence. Moreover, groups that are relatively well-off and thus prone to downward comparisons, especially when the group is wealthier than all of its transnational kin groups, are much less likely to fight. A novel finding emerges: relative poverty in comparison with transnational kin does not appear to exacerbate the potential for conflict, but relative wealth does appear to attenuate it.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144290148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Shawn Davies, Therése Pettersson, Margareta Sollenberg, Magnus Öberg
{"title":"Organized violence 1989–2024, and the challenges of identifying civilian victims","authors":"Shawn Davies, Therése Pettersson, Margareta Sollenberg, Magnus Öberg","doi":"10.1177/00223433251345636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251345636","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines global trends in organized violence based on new data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP). In 2024, the number of state-based armed conflicts rose from 59 to 61, marking the second consecutive year in which the UCDP recorded a historically high number of conflicts. The number of wars increased from nine to 11, the highest count since 2016. The UCDP recorded marginal declines in both state-based fatalities and organized violence as a whole. In contrast, one-sided violence saw a sharp increase, driven primarily by escalating attacks by Islamic State in Africa and widespread killings by non-state actors in Haiti. Non-state conflict declined, both in the number of active conflicts and in total fatalities. In total, the UCDP recorded almost 160,000 deaths in organized violence in 2024. The article also addresses challenges in the classification of casualties, highlighting how limitations in data quality and information access contribute to uncertainty around the civilian-to-combatant fatality ratio. These challenges are particularly acute in cases of organized crime violence, in which the distinction between civilians and combatants is often blurred, and in which indiscriminate types of warfare, such as artillery and aerial bombardment, are used in urban settings.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"137 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144269398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}