{"title":"Firm Heterogeneity and Asymmetric Liberalization Drive Differential Utilization of FTAs among Firms in Production Networks","authors":"Antonio Postigo","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf038","url":null,"abstract":"Firms in production networks often favor liberalization through free trade agreements (FTAs) over multilateral liberalization because of its potential discriminatory effects against firms outside the FTA, but also, as this article explores, relative to competing firms within the FTA area. The selectivity and flexibility inherent in FTA liberalization accommodate heterogeneity among firms in trade preferences, incentivizing them to lobby individually for specific FTA design configurations aligned with their particular production organizations. This article theorizes how the interaction between two variables—(1) inter-firm heterogeneity in production organization and (2) asymmetric liberalization through FTA design configurations—determines heterogeneity in FTA utilization among firms, favoring some over others within the trade area. These arguments are examined in the context of the Thai automotive industry and the FTAs signed by Thailand with other Southeast Asian countries, Japan, India, and Australia, drawing on interviews and administrative records. The empirical evidence supports the explanatory power of these variables in accounting for inter-firm heterogeneity in trade preferences, lobbying patterns, and FTA utilization. Automakers lobbied for FTA configurations that selectively liberalize their trade flows relative to competitors within the trade area, primarily using FTAs for hierarchical and captive cross-border input trade with subsidiaries and long-term suppliers.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"91 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144269403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Individual Mobilization by Victims of Human Rights Abuse: Who Files Petitions in the United Nations?","authors":"Rachel J Schoner","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf043","url":null,"abstract":"Who files petitions against repressive regimes in the United Nations? Victims of human rights abuse face high personal costs of participation, including retaliation from the government against whom they are filing a complaint. There is also a significant information barrier. Despite these costs, several hundred petitions (or complaints) have been filed against repressive governments in just one United Nations treaty body. I frame filing international petitions as a form of antiregime mobilization; if mistreated, political individuals and organizations file petitions as a part of their broader mobilization efforts to improve human rights. This article introduces individual-level data of individuals who file complaints in the United Nations. I find there are two main categories of petitioners: (1) individuals with prior political involvement and (2) individuals represented by civil society organizations. This dataset includes identities of individuals, involvement of legal representation, specific rights under contestation, and other identifying individual characteristics. These data on individuals who overcome high costs help improve our understanding of broader processes of mobilization, both domestic and international.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"102 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144252407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Argumentative Power of International Law: Legal Rhetoric, Human Rights, and the Universal Periodic Review","authors":"Kyle Reed","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf042","url":null,"abstract":"What makes a human rights argument effective? When challenging a state's human rights practices, actors can draw on a range of discursive options and frames. Current research on human rights argumentation highlights the strategic use of different rhetorical frames by actors to create political outcomes on a case-by-case basis. This analysis, however, is the first to measure the determinants of effective argumentation, the role of legal rhetoric, and the patterns that make successful arguments, on a global and systematic scale. This study uses data on all recommendations from the first two cycles of the Universal Periodic Review, covering all United Nations member states, a United Nations mechanism by which all states are reviewed regularly on their human rights practices. Using an original coding of legal and nonlegal recommendations, this paper tests the theory that arguments framed on legal references will be the most effective, emphasizing the particular importance of legal rhetoric in international politics. The findings support this theory, showing that human rights arguments framed with legal references are substantially more likely to succeed than those framed on other grounds. These findings raise important points for the role of legal rhetoric in human rights and in international relations more broadly.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144145485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nonstate Actor Inclusion and the Social Legitimacy of Global Governance Institutions","authors":"Matthias Ecker-Ehrhardt, Soetkin Verhaegen, Sigrid Quack","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf040","url":null,"abstract":"Nonstate actors play powerful roles in global governance institutions (GGIs) as advocates, experts, representatives, regulators, monitors, and implementing agents. However, the extent to which their inclusion affects the degree to which citizens find GGIs more legitimate has not been systematically investigated, nor have the conditions under which citizens might do so. In this contribution, we theoretically argue that such inclusion effectively enhances the social legitimacy of GGIs, but only to the extent that citizens expect nonstate actors to provide relevant governance contributions. We find strong empirical evidence for this argument in two large-N conjoint experiments fielded in Brazil, Germany, South Africa, and the United States. First, our results suggest that citizens, on average, ascribe more legitimacy to GGIs if learning that nonstate actors have a say in important decisions. Second, the strength of this effect depends on the degree to which citizens expect nonstate actors to provide expertise, representation, public interest orientation, transparency, or operational capacity. Third, expected governance contributions remarkably vary among different types of nonstate actors in kind and degree. In line with our overall argument, findings suggest that nonstate actor participation plays a more complex and significant role in the social legitimation of global governance than previously understood.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144113623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Prodigal Child Returns? Attitudes towards Return Migration in a Developing Economy","authors":"Melle Scholten","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf041","url":null,"abstract":"Data estimates suggest that up to half of all migrants return to the country of origin within 5 years of leaving. Return migration is known to be a boon for the local economy and a catalyst for political reform. However, these effects are conditional on successful reintegration, which is dependent on the preferences of nonmigrants. What causes negative attitudes towards return migration, given its significant potential economic benefits? I argue that nonmigrants are concerned about both the economic and political competition of returnees. Nonmigrants prefer to welcome back migrants who can bring financial capital and employment back home, but will oppose competitors on the job market when unemployment is high. Furthermore, nonmigrants are concerned about the potential role of return migrants as norm entrepreneurs. I test my hypotheses with a conjoint survey experiment conducted in Colombia, as well as an analysis of the 2016 peace referendum.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144113882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Peter B White, David E Cunningham, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch
{"title":"Presenting the Governmental Incompatibilities Data Project (GIDP) 2.0","authors":"Peter B White, David E Cunningham, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf037","url":null,"abstract":"s This research note introduces a new dataset—the Governmental Incompatibilities Data Project (GIDP) 2.0—which identifies the presence of incompatibilities over governments for all countries in the world from 1960 to 2020. Incompatibilities over government involve organizations making maximalist claims related to the legitimacy of elections, the composition of the national government, or regime change. GIDP 2.0 includes information about which of these claims is present in each incompatibility year. These data can facilitate analyses of the onset, dynamics, and outcomes of both civil war and nonviolent campaigns, improve our ability to predict their occurrence, and allow for analysis of whether international efforts to prevent violent conflicts over government are effective. We present a series of descriptive analyses showing that governmental incompatibilities are common but not ubiquitous, and occur across time periods, and within and across regime types. These descriptive analyses further show interesting variation among the types of claims articulated in democracies, autocracies, and anocracies and across different types of autocratic institutions. A brief two-stage analysis shows that some factors commonly included in studies of armed conflict and nonviolent campaign onset have different effects on the emergence of governmental incompatibilities and on whether these incompatibilities escalate to mass mobilization.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143930926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Revisiting Embedded Liberalism: Does the Theoretical Possibility Meet Empirical Validity? Analyzing Labor Laws and Preferential Trade Agreements","authors":"Zhiyuan Wang","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf036","url":null,"abstract":"Extant scholarship on embedded liberalism (EL) emphasizes whether governments keep their promises to protect the risk-bearers of economic liberalization but overlooks its liberalization effect. In particular, scholars rarely explore how EL solves the time-inconsistency problem plaguing economic liberalization, i.e., governments may ex post renege on their policy promises made prior to the liberalization. To fill this void, in this study, I look into how social insurance shapes efforts to liberalize trade. I argue that institutionalized social consensus such as labor market institutions (LMIs) mitigates the time-inconsistency problem and encourages trade liberalization. I test this argument by examining how LMIs affect the making and design of preferential trade agreements (PTAs). Leveraging comprehensive datasets on labor laws and PTAs, an endogenous count model analysis finds that strong labor laws are positively associated with the growth of PTAs. Furthermore, robust labor laws tend to produce deeper PTAs with rigorous enforcement mechanisms. These effects dominate in democracies and are not a function of policy substitution. The empirical findings remain considerably consistent across alternative econometric estimators, variable measures, and model specifications, except those concerning enforcement-related hypotheses. Overall, this study demonstrates that pre-committed social protection facilitates economic liberalization, corroborating the core thesis of EL.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"88 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143915481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Where Have All the Experts Gone? The Shifting Marketplace for Foreign Policy Ideas on Capitol Hill","authors":"Daniel W Drezner, Linda L Fowler","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf035","url":null,"abstract":"s US foreign policy observers have noted a decline in the frequency of expert witnesses appearing before congressional committees, while congressional scholars have documented changes in committee practices that have led to fewer and shorter hearings. These trends interact in systematic ways, although their relationship has never been tested empirically. Using original data and micro-level measures of individual hearings by the national security committees of the House and Senate, we demonstrate how time constraints and routine responsibilities limit the number of opportunities for expert witnesses from 1995 to 2020. We find some influence for chamber polarization on witness totals but less impact on the type of experts. We uncover significant differences among individual committees in their use of academics and think tank representatives. Our study is unique in its focus on both chambers, inclusion of closed hearings, differentiation between academics and think tank representatives, and attention to the public salience of foreign affairs. Shrinkage in the official marketplace of foreign policy ideas warrants concern, highlighting the executive branch's increasing dominance over military and diplomatic decisions, diminished legislative capacity, and public disinterest in international affairs.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"110 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143910554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Simone Dietrich, Daniela Donno, Katharina Fleiner, Alice Iannantuoni
{"title":"The Politics of Gender Mainstreaming in Foreign Aid","authors":"Simone Dietrich, Daniela Donno, Katharina Fleiner, Alice Iannantuoni","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf033","url":null,"abstract":"Gender mainstreaming—the incorporation of a gender equality perspective into the design, implementation, and evaluation of all aid projects—has become a signature policy tool among Western donors. However, advancing gender equality can be politically contentious and lead to backlash, particularly in autocratic regimes where women’s socioeconomic status is low. We argue that donors’ desire for recipient government buy-in creates incentives for them to pay attention to domestic policy cues, whose salience varies across regime types. Employing detailed data from the OECD’s Gender Equality Policy Marker, we show that donors engage differently with democracies and autocracies. Among democratic recipients, those with higher legal status for women have less gender mainstreaming aid, suggesting a “needs-based” logic. Conversely, in autocracies, donors respond positively to policy cues indicating the (domestic) political acceptability of gender equality. Our findings underscore the importance of treating gender mainstreaming as a distinct category of assistance whose application is attuned to domestic implementation problems. Beyond the study of foreign aid, we offer insights into how international audiences may interpret policy cues differently depending on regime type.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"108 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143866187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Innovation and Interdependence: Evidence from Gene-Editing Technology","authors":"Cleo O’Brien-Udry, Tyler Pratt","doi":"10.1093/isq/sqaf032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaf032","url":null,"abstract":"Technological breakthroughs carry great promise but often escalate economic competition and heighten public anxiety, creating new challenges for governments. We argue that breakthroughs trigger two distinct mechanisms that reshape regulatory politics: (1) accelerated incentives for regulatory arbitrage and (2) the potential for controversies to spark international public backlash. First, technological advancement generates forum-shopping behavior as private actors race to develop the new technology. Researchers and firms may seek to evade national rules by relocating to more permissive jurisdictions. Second, public unease about new technologies creates the potential for backlash in the wake of controversial applications. This backlash can spill across borders: accidents or misuse in one jurisdiction undermine support for research and commercial development elsewhere. Together, these processes link the regulatory fate of states, undermining their ability to regulate in isolation. We test and find evidence for these mechanisms in the domain of gene editing, a field that has been transformed by the introduction of CRISPR technology in 2012. Our theory and findings shed new light on the regulatory politics of breakthrough technologies.","PeriodicalId":48313,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Quarterly","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2025-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143866260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}