{"title":"Control or Representation? Government-Opposition Dynamics and the Use of Geographic Parliamentary Questions","authors":"Morten Harmening","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70059","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Parliamentary questions (PQs) are key instruments of legislative oversight and representation. However, research often treats these functions in isolation—overlooking important variation within the instrument itself. This paper addresses this gap by focusing on PQs with geographic references (geo-PQs) and their use by government and opposition MPs. I argue that opposition MPs employ geo-PQs to criticize the government and demonstrate local engagement, while government MPs use them to claim credit and sustain constituency ties. Employing automated geocoding techniques, I analyze PQs from Germany, France, the Netherlands, and the UK. The results confirm the theoretical expectations: opposition MPs ask more geo-PQs overall, but government MPs dedicate a higher share of their PQs to geographic content. Moreover, except in France, opposition MPs are significantly more likely to submit critical geo-PQs. These findings reveal how geo-PQs serve dual representational and oversight functions.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70059","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147564628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Divergent Position Taking Under Uncertainty With an Application to Chile's 2021–2022 Constituent Convention","authors":"Jorge Fabrega, John Londregan","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70053","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Sometimes politicians must take indelible public stances under unresolved uncertainty about an outcome they cannot control, for example, consider the minority on a proposal that is bound to pass. Counter to the expectations that party platforms converge, and that rational individuals balk at betting against one another, we show this can lead office motivated politicians with shared beliefs and policy preferences to adopt divergent positions. To illustrate the workings of our model, and to provide guidance on discerning whether it applies in a given situation, we apply it in the context of Chile's Constituent Assembly of <span></span><math>\u0000 <semantics>\u0000 <mrow>\u0000 <mn>2021</mn>\u0000 <mo>/</mo>\u0000 <mn>2022</mn>\u0000 </mrow>\u0000 <annotation>$$ 2021/2022 $$</annotation>\u0000 </semantics></math>.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70053","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147563662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Divergent Position Taking Under Uncertainty With an Application to Chile's 2021–2022 Constituent Convention","authors":"Jorge Fabrega, John Londregan","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70053","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Sometimes politicians must take indelible public stances under unresolved uncertainty about an outcome they cannot control, for example, consider the minority on a proposal that is bound to pass. Counter to the expectations that party platforms converge, and that rational individuals balk at betting against one another, we show this can lead office motivated politicians with shared beliefs and policy preferences to adopt divergent positions. To illustrate the workings of our model, and to provide guidance on discerning whether it applies in a given situation, we apply it in the context of Chile's Constituent Assembly of <span></span><math>\u0000 <semantics>\u0000 <mrow>\u0000 <mn>2021</mn>\u0000 <mo>/</mo>\u0000 <mn>2022</mn>\u0000 </mrow>\u0000 <annotation>$$ 2021/2022 $$</annotation>\u0000 </semantics></math>.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70053","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147563663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gender, Party Status, and Lawmaking in the American States: A Reassessment of Legislative Effectiveness","authors":"Abby Child, Laura Pacheco, Michael Barber","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70058","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lsq.70058","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Volden et al.'s study of the US House of Representatives found that congresswomen in the minority party exhibit greater legislative effectiveness than their male counterparts, while effectiveness levels are comparable in the majority party. This paper re-examines the relationship between gender, majority party status, and legislative effectiveness within the diverse institutional contexts of US state legislatures. Using the State Legislative Effectiveness Scores (SLES) developed by Bucchianeri et al. for the period 1987–2018, we replicate and extend the original congressional analysis. Contrary to the findings at the national level, our analysis of over 80,000 legislator scores across 97 state legislative chambers reveals no measurable advantage in legislative effectiveness between women and men in the minority or majority party. Instead, we find that in most cases female state legislators are less effective than their male counterparts. These results suggest that the institutional dynamics shaping the conditions for women's legislative success may operate differently in state-level versus congressional settings, highlighting the importance of context in studies of gender and lawmaking.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147569158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gender, Party Status, and Lawmaking in the American States: A Reassessment of Legislative Effectiveness","authors":"Abby Child, Laura Pacheco, Michael Barber","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70058","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Volden et al.'s study of the US House of Representatives found that congresswomen in the minority party exhibit greater legislative effectiveness than their male counterparts, while effectiveness levels are comparable in the majority party. This paper re-examines the relationship between gender, majority party status, and legislative effectiveness within the diverse institutional contexts of US state legislatures. Using the State Legislative Effectiveness Scores (SLES) developed by Bucchianeri et al. for the period 1987–2018, we replicate and extend the original congressional analysis. Contrary to the findings at the national level, our analysis of over 80,000 legislator scores across 97 state legislative chambers reveals no measurable advantage in legislative effectiveness between women and men in the minority or majority party. Instead, we find that in most cases female state legislators are less effective than their male counterparts. These results suggest that the institutional dynamics shaping the conditions for women's legislative success may operate differently in state-level versus congressional settings, highlighting the importance of context in studies of gender and lawmaking.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147569160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Partisan and Ideological Bias Among the Attentive Public: Evidence From Witness Slips in the Illinois General Assembly","authors":"Michael Kistner, Michael Pomirchy","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70057","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Prior work conjectures that representational gaps may arise due to biases in who contacts politicians. However, direct measures of legislator contact by members of the public are elusive. This study leverages a unique data source to evaluate partisan and ideological bias in public outreach: witness slips in the Illinois General Assembly, online forms individuals can use to support or oppose specific pieces of legislation. Using these expressed positions, we document two key facts. First, witnesses are significantly more supportive of Republican-sponsored legislation than Democratic-sponsored legislation. Second, after estimating ideal points for witnesses, we find witnesses are ideologically closer to Illinois Republicans than Democrats. Additional analyses reveal important ideological heterogeneity by policy jurisdiction and interest group affiliation. Together, the results support one theoretical explanation of why legislators systematically mischaracterize public opinion: the views they are exposed to differ significantly from those of the general public.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147268933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Rich Woman's World? Wealth and Gendered Paths to Office","authors":"Rachel Bernhard, Andrew C. Eggers, Marko Klašnja","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70055","url":null,"abstract":"<p>We introduce and seek to explain a new and surprising fact about members of the US Congress: since at least the 1980s, Congresswomen have been substantially wealthier than Congressmen serving in the same party and decade. We articulate three mechanisms that could explain this gender wealth gap, and use new data on the backgrounds and families of members of Congress to evaluate each mechanism. We find no evidence that the wealth gap arises because districts likely to elect women also elect wealthier members, or because women had more lucrative pre-Congressional careers. We do find evidence that the gap can be explained by women facing steeper challenges that wealth helps them overcome—particularly related to caregiving—and by Congresswomen's spouses earning more money than Congressmen's spouses. Our analysis sheds light on how obstacles facing ambitious women can lead to apparently counterintuitive advantages among the women who manage to succeed.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70055","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"146091413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cover Bills","authors":"Nicolas Florez, Christian Fong","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70054","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Legislators sometimes vote on bills that fail but, in the process, allow lawmakers to take an extreme position before ultimately voting to compromise. We call these proposals <i>Cover Bills</i>. Through two survey experiments, we show that primary voters are more supportive of a compromiser if that legislator first votes for a cover bill. Through a causal mediation analysis, we show that cover bills are effective not because they prove that the compromise was the best deal the legislators could get, but because they demonstrate that the legislator shares the voter's ideological commitments. They reduce the punishment associated with compromising even if respondents find out about the cover bill from legislators who opposed the compromise.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70054","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"146057901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Electoral Reform and Legislative Behavior: Evidence From Denmark's Transition to Proportional Representation","authors":"Martin Ejnar Hansen","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70056","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article examines the effect of electoral system reform on legislative speech-making by Members of Parliament (MPs), focusing on the case of Denmark's 1918 shift from single-member districts (SMD) to proportional representation (PR) in elections to the lower chamber. While the relationship between electoral systems and MP behavior is well established, few studies have been able to isolate causal effects using a natural control group. Leveraging the unique institutional configuration of Denmark's bicameral parliament—where the upper chamber remained unaffected by the reform—this study applies a difference-in-differences design to assess how reform shaped parliamentary behavior. Using a novel dataset covering all MPs between 1901 and 1939, the analysis compares both the absolute number of speeches delivered and the relative speech frequency of MPs across 1 electoral periods. The results demonstrate that MPs in the reformed lower chamber spoke significantly less following the introduction of PR, aligning their behavior more closely with that of MPs in the unreformed upper chamber. These findings hold across both outcome measures and after accounting for relevant controls, including seniority, party affiliation, and chamber-specific institutional differences. The analysis provides strong support for the argument that PR enhances party control over individual legislators and reduces incentives for personal vote-seeking via speech-making. The article contributes to the broader literature on electoral systems and legislative behavior, and offers new historical insight into the institutional development of representative democracy in early twentieth-century Europe.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70056","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"146002288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Who Shows Up? Legislative Attendance by Electoral Seat Type in Bangladesh and Pakistan","authors":"Dipak Kumar Biswas, Erik S. Herron","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70046","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Institutional mechanisms, like reserved seats, aim to enhance representation for underrepresented groups, including women and minorities. Yet little is known about whether legislators elected through these seats engage in legislative work at comparable levels to their peers elected through general seats. We examine legislative attendance—an observable form of engagement—in Bangladesh and Pakistan, two hybrid regimes with Westminster-derived institutions. Drawing on theories of electoral incentives, institutional weakness, and competing principals, we argue that reserved-seat legislators seek visibility during sessions to build reputations. Lacking independent electoral mandates and relying on party elites for nomination, they demonstrate loyalty and diligence through observable participation. Using an original dataset of attendance records and elite interviews, we find that reserved-seat legislators attend plenary sessions more often than general-seat legislators, even after controlling for demographic and institutional factors. These findings suggest that reserved seats, often criticized as symbolic, can generate strong incentives for visible participation. This study highlights how institutional pathways influence legislative behavior and contribute to comparative research on representation in non-Western contexts.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145845830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}