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Do Women Legislators Legislate Differently Than Men on Gun-Related Policy? A Suggestive Yes 女性立法者在枪支相关政策上的立法与男性不同吗？A暗示性的是
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-04-14 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70065
Patrick Cunha Silva, G. Agustin Markarian, Brady Mudge
{"title":"Do Women Legislators Legislate Differently Than Men on Gun-Related Policy? A Suggestive Yes","authors":"Patrick Cunha Silva,&nbsp;G. Agustin Markarian,&nbsp;Brady Mudge","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70065","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Polls show that men are less likely to support gun restrictions than women, but do voter preferences translate into elite behavior? To answer this question, we use a novel dataset of hand-coded state firearm legislation across six politically diverse states (California, Florida, Iowa, Illinois, Michigan, Texas) to construct an 11-year panel dataset. Our results demonstrate that descriptively, women generally cosponsor more restrictive and fewer permissive gun policy bills than men, even after accounting for partisanship. Using multiple staggered difference-in-differences specifications, we find women are no more likely than men to advance restrictive gun bills, yet they do cosponsor fewer efforts to expand gun rights (permissive bills). Our findings imply that electing more women may not substantially increase efforts to tighten gun laws but could curb gun rights expansion, showcasing how gender may shape legislation through agenda restraint rather than by promoting active policymaking.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70065","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147708225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Ministries That We Want: Legislative Behavior and Signaling of Portfolio Salience 我们想要的部门：立法行为和投资组合显著性信号
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-04-07 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70064
Fernando Meireles, Magna Inácio, Rosiene Guerra
{"title":"Ministries That We Want: Legislative Behavior and Signaling of Portfolio Salience","authors":"Fernando Meireles,&nbsp;Magna Inácio,&nbsp;Rosiene Guerra","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70064","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lsq.70064","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Measuring the value of cabinet portfolios is a fundamental task in the study of coalition politics. Yet existing measures are often static, have limited coverage, or assume that all parties value portfolios equally. In this paper, we introduce a new approach that overcomes these problems. We argue that parties signal their portfolio preferences through legislative behaviors, such as floor speeches, bill sponsorship, motions, and budgetary earmarks. Leveraging these behaviors as inputs, we develop and validate a dynamic Bayesian latent-variable model to disentangle two concepts: a portfolio's underlying salience and the specific value each party assigns to it, independent of the effects of office-holding. Applying this method to Brazil, a presidential system in which government coalitions and cabinet changes are frequent, we show that our estimates capture portfolio importance and their temporal shifts better than alternative measures. Furthermore, we show that portfolio allocation among coalition parties is more proportional once we weight portfolios using our salience scores. We provide a checklist and a replication repository applied to Denmark for researchers interested in adapting our framework to other contexts.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70064","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147668436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Misrepresented or Miss Represented? Gendered Priority Responsiveness in Norway 失实陈述还是失实陈述？挪威性别优先响应
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-03-25 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70062
Sara Dybesland
{"title":"Misrepresented or Miss Represented? Gendered Priority Responsiveness in Norway","authors":"Sara Dybesland","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70062","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lsq.70062","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article introduces the concept of priority responsiveness, which assesses the extent to which representatives' issue priorities reflect those of male and female citizens equally. Arguing that political priorities are a crucial but overlooked dimension of responsiveness, I analyze 131,601 survey responses on citizens' most important problems and 127,830 parliamentary speeches and identify a gap in priority responsiveness in the gender-egalitarian context of Norway. Representatives focus more on issues prioritized by male citizens than by female citizens. This disparity appears to be driven by representatives' tendency to emphasize issues prioritized by citizens of their own gender. Since women deliver fewer speeches than their male counterparts, their stronger emphasis on issues prioritized by women does not substantially affect overall responsiveness. By contrast, male representatives' greater focus on issues important to men appears to drive the bias. Neither party affiliation nor government ideology significantly affects the gender bias in priority responsiveness.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70062","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147579868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Influence of Interest Group Affiliations on Legislative Performance: An Analysis of Mexican Legislators From 2006 to 2018 利益集团隶属关系对立法绩效的影响：2006 - 2018年墨西哥立法者分析
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-03-24 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70061
Diego Solís-Delgadillo, Josafat Cortez-Salinas
{"title":"Influence of Interest Group Affiliations on Legislative Performance: An Analysis of Mexican Legislators From 2006 to 2018","authors":"Diego Solís-Delgadillo,&nbsp;Josafat Cortez-Salinas","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70061","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lsq.70061","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study examines whether deputies with backgrounds in interest groups, such as business associations and labor unions, promote bills favorable to their groups and if their backgrounds affect their effectiveness in Mexico's Chamber of Deputies. Using a database of 13,953 bills introduced between 2006 and 2018, random logit models were employed to analyze the relationship between legislators' backgrounds in interest groups and their success rates in passing bills. We find that personal connections to interest groups can significantly impact the types of issues they promote and legislative performance, with legislators having ties to interest groups being more successful in promoting bills related to their group's background.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147579858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Control or Representation? Government-Opposition Dynamics and the Use of Geographic Parliamentary Questions 控制还是代表？政府-反对派动态和地理议会问题的使用
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-03-10 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70059
Morten Harmening
{"title":"Control or Representation? Government-Opposition Dynamics and the Use of Geographic Parliamentary Questions","authors":"Morten Harmening","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70059","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Parliamentary questions (PQs) are key instruments of legislative oversight and representation. However, research often treats these functions in isolation—overlooking important variation within the instrument itself. This paper addresses this gap by focusing on PQs with geographic references (geo-PQs) and their use by government and opposition MPs. I argue that opposition MPs employ geo-PQs to criticize the government and demonstrate local engagement, while government MPs use them to claim credit and sustain constituency ties. Employing automated geocoding techniques, I analyze PQs from Germany, France, the Netherlands, and the UK. The results confirm the theoretical expectations: opposition MPs ask more geo-PQs overall, but government MPs dedicate a higher share of their PQs to geographic content. Moreover, except in France, opposition MPs are significantly more likely to submit critical geo-PQs. These findings reveal how geo-PQs serve dual representational and oversight functions.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70059","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147564629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Control or Representation? Government-Opposition Dynamics and the Use of Geographic Parliamentary Questions 控制还是代表？政府-反对派动态和地理议会问题的使用
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-03-10 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70059
Morten Harmening
{"title":"Control or Representation? Government-Opposition Dynamics and the Use of Geographic Parliamentary Questions","authors":"Morten Harmening","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70059","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Parliamentary questions (PQs) are key instruments of legislative oversight and representation. However, research often treats these functions in isolation—overlooking important variation within the instrument itself. This paper addresses this gap by focusing on PQs with geographic references (geo-PQs) and their use by government and opposition MPs. I argue that opposition MPs employ geo-PQs to criticize the government and demonstrate local engagement, while government MPs use them to claim credit and sustain constituency ties. Employing automated geocoding techniques, I analyze PQs from Germany, France, the Netherlands, and the UK. The results confirm the theoretical expectations: opposition MPs ask more geo-PQs overall, but government MPs dedicate a higher share of their PQs to geographic content. Moreover, except in France, opposition MPs are significantly more likely to submit critical geo-PQs. These findings reveal how geo-PQs serve dual representational and oversight functions.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70059","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147564628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Divergent Position Taking Under Uncertainty With an Application to Chile's 2021–2022 Constituent Convention 不确定性下的分歧立场及其对智利2021-2022年制宪会议的应用
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70053
Jorge Fabrega, John Londregan
{"title":"Divergent Position Taking Under Uncertainty With an Application to Chile's 2021–2022 Constituent Convention","authors":"Jorge Fabrega,&nbsp;John Londregan","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70053","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Sometimes politicians must take indelible public stances under unresolved uncertainty about an outcome they cannot control, for example, consider the minority on a proposal that is bound to pass. Counter to the expectations that party platforms converge, and that rational individuals balk at betting against one another, we show this can lead office motivated politicians with shared beliefs and policy preferences to adopt divergent positions. To illustrate the workings of our model, and to provide guidance on discerning whether it applies in a given situation, we apply it in the context of Chile's Constituent Assembly of <span></span><math>\u0000 <semantics>\u0000 <mrow>\u0000 <mn>2021</mn>\u0000 <mo>/</mo>\u0000 <mn>2022</mn>\u0000 </mrow>\u0000 <annotation>$$ 2021/2022 $$</annotation>\u0000 </semantics></math>.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70053","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147563662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Divergent Position Taking Under Uncertainty With an Application to Chile's 2021–2022 Constituent Convention 不确定性下的分歧立场及其对智利2021-2022年制宪会议的应用
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70053
Jorge Fabrega, John Londregan
{"title":"Divergent Position Taking Under Uncertainty With an Application to Chile's 2021–2022 Constituent Convention","authors":"Jorge Fabrega,&nbsp;John Londregan","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70053","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Sometimes politicians must take indelible public stances under unresolved uncertainty about an outcome they cannot control, for example, consider the minority on a proposal that is bound to pass. Counter to the expectations that party platforms converge, and that rational individuals balk at betting against one another, we show this can lead office motivated politicians with shared beliefs and policy preferences to adopt divergent positions. To illustrate the workings of our model, and to provide guidance on discerning whether it applies in a given situation, we apply it in the context of Chile's Constituent Assembly of <span></span><math>\u0000 <semantics>\u0000 <mrow>\u0000 <mn>2021</mn>\u0000 <mo>/</mo>\u0000 <mn>2022</mn>\u0000 </mrow>\u0000 <annotation>$$ 2021/2022 $$</annotation>\u0000 </semantics></math>.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70053","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147563663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Gender, Party Status, and Lawmaking in the American States: A Reassessment of Legislative Effectiveness 性别、政党地位与美国立法：立法效能的再评估
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-02-26 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70058
Abby Child, Laura Pacheco, Michael Barber
{"title":"Gender, Party Status, and Lawmaking in the American States: A Reassessment of Legislative Effectiveness","authors":"Abby Child,&nbsp;Laura Pacheco,&nbsp;Michael Barber","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70058","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Volden et al.'s study of the US House of Representatives found that congresswomen in the minority party exhibit greater legislative effectiveness than their male counterparts, while effectiveness levels are comparable in the majority party. This paper re-examines the relationship between gender, majority party status, and legislative effectiveness within the diverse institutional contexts of US state legislatures. Using the State Legislative Effectiveness Scores (SLES) developed by Bucchianeri et al. for the period 1987–2018, we replicate and extend the original congressional analysis. Contrary to the findings at the national level, our analysis of over 80,000 legislator scores across 97 state legislative chambers reveals no measurable advantage in legislative effectiveness between women and men in the minority or majority party. Instead, we find that in most cases female state legislators are less effective than their male counterparts. These results suggest that the institutional dynamics shaping the conditions for women's legislative success may operate differently in state-level versus congressional settings, highlighting the importance of context in studies of gender and lawmaking.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147569160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Gender, Party Status, and Lawmaking in the American States: A Reassessment of Legislative Effectiveness 性别、政党地位与美国立法：立法效能的再评估
IF 2.4 3区 社会学
Legislative Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2026-02-26 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70058
Abby Child, Laura Pacheco, Michael Barber
{"title":"Gender, Party Status, and Lawmaking in the American States: A Reassessment of Legislative Effectiveness","authors":"Abby Child,&nbsp;Laura Pacheco,&nbsp;Michael Barber","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70058","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lsq.70058","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Volden et al.'s study of the US House of Representatives found that congresswomen in the minority party exhibit greater legislative effectiveness than their male counterparts, while effectiveness levels are comparable in the majority party. This paper re-examines the relationship between gender, majority party status, and legislative effectiveness within the diverse institutional contexts of US state legislatures. Using the State Legislative Effectiveness Scores (SLES) developed by Bucchianeri et al. for the period 1987–2018, we replicate and extend the original congressional analysis. Contrary to the findings at the national level, our analysis of over 80,000 legislator scores across 97 state legislative chambers reveals no measurable advantage in legislative effectiveness between women and men in the minority or majority party. Instead, we find that in most cases female state legislators are less effective than their male counterparts. These results suggest that the institutional dynamics shaping the conditions for women's legislative success may operate differently in state-level versus congressional settings, highlighting the importance of context in studies of gender and lawmaking.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2026-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147569158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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