{"title":"Controlling for Oversight in Studies of Oversight","authors":"Jenn S. Kim, Benjamin Kinnard, John Patty","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70081","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In honor of the creation of the Congressional Oversight Research Database (CORD), we explore some of the selection effects that observable measures of oversight may be subject to. We present a model in which Congress endogenously chooses whether to hold a hearing or to preempt the need for one by overturning an agency's policy in advance. These endogenous oversight choices imply that observable outcomes arise through two pathways: Congress may overturn a policy immediately or only after acquiring additional information through a hearing. Failing to account for this information-gathering stage can obscure the underlying mechanisms that drive these outcomes. Using data from ProQuest and CORD, we test two implications of the model, finding evidence that Congress selects into conducting oversight hearings and implementing subsequent policy reversals more often when in opposition to the President, with no impact of the information gathered during a hearing on subsequent policy reversals. This implies that Congress uses committee hearings primarily as a mechanism for sharing information about the executive branch when it is politically convenient, rather than as a mechanism for gathering information on policy alternatives. We then conclude with broader implications for empirical research on oversight, including the importance of distinguishing between information gathering and information sharing in oversight.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70081","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148616463","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Does Unequal Representation Bias Policymaking? Quasi-Experimental Evidence From the Italian Senate","authors":"Massimo Troncone","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70086","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>How does unequal representation affect policymaking? Existing research shows that overrepresented districts exert disproportionate influence over public policy, yet our understanding of the underlying sources of this advantage remains limited. I argue that increased representation can independently bias policymaking via two channels: a mechanical effect, whereby additional representatives increase a district's likelihood of shaping the legislative agenda, and a behavioral effect, whereby legislators intensify constituency-oriented effort due to intra-district competition. To test this, I leverage the quasi-experimental setting created by the electoral rule of the Italian Senate (1994–2006), which allowed districts with similar population sizes to elect either one or two senators. Using a regression discontinuity design and comprehensive data on bill (co-)sponsorship, I find evidence consistent with both channels. Examining policy outcomes, I do not find that unequal representation yields distributive benefits, but I do find suggestive evidence of a broader legislative advantage.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148467249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Out of Step, Out of Party: Party Switching in American State Legislatures","authors":"Boris Shor","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70085","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Do parties shape legislators' revealed behavior, or do they merely reflect it? Party switchers offer a rare opportunity to examine party effects because the same legislators can be observed before and after crossing the aisle. I assemble a dataset of 500 state legislative party switches across 49 states from 1993 to 2024 and use comparable ideal-point estimates to examine two questions: what predicts switching, and how much legislators' voting records change afterward. Ideological misfit is by far the strongest predictor of switching, while district preferences add little independent explanatory power. Partisan context also matters: switching is less common under stronger conditional party government and more common for minority-party members in lopsided chambers. After switching, legislators move substantially toward their new parties. Among major-party switchers, the average shift is about 0.64 common-space units, roughly half the typical gap between party medians. These shifts are largest for party-median Democrats, consistent with the view that they faced the greatest party pressure, and they grow larger in chambers with stronger conditional party government and greater legislative professionalism. The results show that parties constrain legislators' behavior, and that the strength of that constraint varies systematically with party-system conditions, competitive context, and institutional differences.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148467109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The House Appropriations Committee Surveys & Investigations Staff and the Arc of Congressional Competence","authors":"Matthew Dull","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70083","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article follows the arc of congressional competence through the development and decline of the House Appropriations Committee (HAC) Surveys & Investigations (S&I) staff, an enduring oversight unit whose investigations were unobserved by design. S&I was quietly reorganized out of existence in December 2024. Why? What, if anything, is lost? Drawing on committee reports, archival materials, and interviews, this study shows how Chairman Clarence Cannon's design for S&I shaped its distinctive nonpartisan, under-the-radar oversight, filling a once-powerful niche made untenable in recent decades by partisan conflict. Time-series analysis of S&I study activity (1975–2024) indicates divided government and partisan disagreement constrained bipartisan S&I oversight. The conclusion situates S&I's history in research on congressional oversight, grounding abstract models, tracing institutional change, and revealing unexpected consequences.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70083","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148462918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Uniform Punishment and Conditional Reward: Ideological Extremism and Senatorial Approval in the United States","authors":"Benjamin Highton, Erik Engstrom","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70084","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Do constituents hold elected officials accountable for their ideological positions? Using over 1 million Senatorial evaluations from the 2006–2024 Cooperative Election Study, we employ a within-respondent design that exploits the fact that each constituent evaluates two Senators, absorbing unmeasured respondent characteristics. We find “uniform punishment, conditional reward”: outpartisan constituents penalize extremism by roughly 14 percentage points of Senatorial approval, while only ideologically aligned copartisans (liberal Democrats and conservative Republicans) reward extremism by 22 percentage points in approval. These results are robust to the inclusion of Senator fixed effects, which identify extremism effects from within-Senator variation over time. Ideological accountability is evident and operates through offsetting channels, which can explain null findings in election-level research.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148386090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Purpose-Driven Congress: Measuring and Explaining Legislative Outcomes of House Investigations","authors":"Claire Leavitt","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70082","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>What inspires and propels investigative work in Congress? Members consistently cite legislative action to claim credit for their investigations, but what makes certain inquiries more legislatively productive than others? In this paper, I link members' investigative and legislative work and argue that committee investigations represent a crucial stage in the broader policymaking process in Congress. I assess the structure of House Oversight Committee investigations and the role of each component part in predicting legislative outcomes. I show that, contrary to their reputation as theatrical time-wasters, public nonlegislative committee hearings contribute to problem-solving via both individual and collective legislative action. Additionally, I offer a normative upside to the effects of partisanship on executive-targeted investigations: Committee investigations are more legislatively productive under divided rather than unified government.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148386115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Partisan Knowledge Claims in Congressional Oversight","authors":"Kenneth Lowande, Mark A. Weiss","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70079","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Congress negotiates while uncertain about the effects of proposed policies, and often relies on committees to conduct oversight that reports about the past and projects the future. Little is known about their conclusions, their accuracy, and how politics seeps into what they choose to report. We apply a typology of knowledge claims contained in congressional oversight, which classifies them based on whether they are prospective or retrospective, and whether they contain an inference. We use a large language model (LLM) to extract findings, evaluations, predictions, and recommendations from a new dataset of committee reports issued in the 103rd–118th Congresses. We argue that partisan investigation teams reveal more raw findings and make fewer recommendations, relative to bipartisan teams, which is consistent with their need to demonstrate they have acquired expertise. Our study pilots a general approach to studying the acquisition and sharing of information in legislative oversight.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148324521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Issue Attention in Congressional Primary Elections","authors":"Audrey Sachleben, Sarah A. Treul","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70075","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Prominent theories of campaign issue strategy provide three main perspectives candidates can adopt when deciding what issues to discuss: (1) issues voters view their party as “owning”, (2) “trespassing” onto issues that the other party owns, and (3) addressing timely and salient issues (e.g., “wave riding”). This paper examines candidate issue messaging strategies in congressional primary campaigns. By isolating party-owned issues and issue trespassing from wave riding, a distinction not typically made in previous literature, we explore how candidate characteristics and electoral conditions influence the use of these three strategies in primary elections. Leveraging a dataset of campaign website issue platforms for nearly all congressional candidates running in primary elections from 2018 to 2022, we find that incumbent candidates dedicate relatively more of their campaign platform to party-owned and opposing party-owned issues compared to challengers. Further, we find that candidates who must appeal to a partisan primary electorate spend relatively less time engaging in issue trespassing, but discuss salient, wave riding issues more. Overall, our results contribute to the growing body of literature on issue messaging strategies and primary elections.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148282590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ulterior Oversight: Minority Party Investigations and the Politics of Exclusion","authors":"Jordan M. Butcher, Cody A. Drolc","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70080","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The minority party in Congress faces structural barriers to influencing policy and controlling the oversight agenda. Yet even when excluded, it can use investigations and formal reports to challenge majority narratives and sustain political visibility. Building on foundational theories of legislative behavior, oversight, and recent work on minority party strategy, we examine when and how the minority uses formal oversight reports and differentiate their behavior from the majority. Using data from the Congressional Oversight Records Database (CORD), we find that minority-issued reports become shorter under unified government, less frequent when the minority is rolled more often on the floor, and longer when the minority has recently lost majority control or when its members have greater committee experience. These findings show that minority oversight is both constrained and strategic; it expands in depth when experience and recent displacement provide motivation but contracts in scope when institutional exclusion is greatest. These findings contribute to emerging research built around CORD by showing that oversight serves as a durable yet limited outlet for the minority party seeking to challenge or advance their own narratives.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148282353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Career Rewards for Part-Time Politicians","authors":"Frederik K. Kjøller","doi":"10.1111/lsq.70071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.70071","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Do part-time politicians benefit professionally from holding political office? Despite the prevalence of part-time officeholders in democratic systems, little is known about how political service interacts with ordinary careers. This study examines whether entering part-time local office affects politicians' likelihood of attaining managerial positions in their non-political employment. Leveraging Danish electoral data from 1997 to 2013 linked to administrative labor-market registers, I employ an event-study design comparing narrowly elected winners and losers in municipal elections. The analysis distinguishes effects across public versus private employment and jobs inside versus outside the municipality. The results show that winning office increases the probability of holding a public-sector managerial position within the municipality by about one percentage point—substantial relative to a low baseline—while no effects emerge elsewhere. Electoral victory also increases candidates' likelihood of pursuing and attaining local and national political office. These findings indicate modest but meaningful career rewards concentrated where political authority is exercised.</p>","PeriodicalId":47672,"journal":{"name":"Legislative Studies Quarterly","volume":"51 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2026-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lsq.70071","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148282352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}