Patterns of Prejudice最新文献

{"title":"Welcoming bad times: COVID-19 frames on Norway’s far right","authors":"Hilmar Mjelde","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2021.1993579","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2021.1993579","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Existing literature tends to analyse the long-term evolution of the far right’s world-view rather than how it responds to short-term events. This exploratory study, however, analyses how the far right in Norway framed the unprecedented global crisis of COVID-19. The data encompasses 149 Facebook posts, online op-eds, columns, letters to the editor and YouTube videos about COVID-19 published between 1 January and 31 May 2020 by two radical-right parties, three anti-immigration/anti-Islam groups, one neo-Nazi social movement, one long-time neo-Nazi solo activist and a leading alternative media website in Norway. They represent the full range of established and new, minor and leading, and radical and extreme far-right actors from the last four decades. Based on the material analysed, Mjelde identifies four overarching frames related to the world order, governance, immigration and conspiracies, as well as nine subframes. A main finding is that conspiratorial distrust of the government constitutes a master frame that both the radical and the extreme right combine with other frames that reflect key tenets of their world-view. The findings underscore, first, the rigidity of the far right’s world-view; second, contradictory views within the far right about the remedy for the pandemic and the state’s role; and, finally, that China is emerging as a bogeyman on the US/Trump-friendly far right.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"479 - 501"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47930028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"‘I feel like Sophie Scholl’: the (mis)appropriation of icons of anti-Nazi resistance in contemporary Germany","authors":"K. Neumann","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2022.2054620","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2022.2054620","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Germany’s Covid-19 protesters and members of the far right have tried to appropriate two key historical figures associated with the German anti-Nazi resistance, Sophie Scholl (1921–1943), who distributed anti-government leaflets, and Claus Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg (1907–1944), the mastermind of the failed coup of 20 July 1944. Neumann places these attempts in the context of the afterlives of Scholl, Stauffenberg and aspiring Hitler assassin Georg Elser (1903–1945). First, he argues that the far right’s attempt to claim Stauffenberg should not be read as a move to deny the Holocaust, nor to reject Germany’s responsibility for it, but rather to distance itself from Holocaust deniers and shift public discourses about German identity and history. Second, he argues that Covid-19 protesters have identified with Scholl because she has been considered the quintessential ‘good German’, she cannot be located on a left–right political spectrum and she represents German resistance as well as victimhood. Finally, he suggests that the success of these attempts to appropriate historical figures points to a lack of knowledge not about Nazi Germany’s victims, or about Scholl and Stauffenberg themselves, but rather about the nature of the Nazi regime.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"407 - 435"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42866979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Giuseppe Bottai, the Racial Laws of 1938 and Italian–German relations","authors":"Nicola D’Elia","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2022.2054549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2022.2054549","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT D’Elia’s article casts new light on the controversial issue of Giuseppe Bottai’s approach to the so-called ‘Jewish question’. It is known that Bottai, serving as Fascist Italy’s Minister of National Education when the 1938 Racial Laws were enacted, worked determinedly for them to be rigorously implemented in the education sector. However, there is no consensus among scholars on the reasons that drove him to approve the racial policy of Italian Fascism, considering that he had never declared himself in favour of antisemitism before 1938. Was his approach dictated by opportunism and self-interest, that is, by the concern not to be politically sidelined? Or was it influenced by the rumours circulating in Nazi circles intending to discredit him as an opponent of the racial campaign, or even as being of Jewish descent? Bottai’s support of the Rome–Berlin Axis raises similar questions since he was not a Nazi sympathizer. Was such a decision made merely due to political calculation? Based on unpublished documents, this article shows, first, that Nazi officials regarded Bottai as a valuable partner and were keen to silence the rumours about his alleged Jewish ancestry; and, second, that Bottai, for his part, was not reluctant to cooperate with representatives of Italy’s German ally on racial issues and, since 1938, began considering racism a key factor in strengthening Italian-German relations. Moreover, this article argues that Bottai’s acceptance of the Axis alliance and the Fascist racial policy can reasonably be explained by taking into account his leftist Fascist ideology, marked by strong anti-bourgeois beliefs. He saw both the antisemitic turn of Mussolini’s regime and Italy’s alignment with Germany as opportunities to revitalize Fascism, driving it to embrace a revolutionary and totalitarian course.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"437 - 455"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44315131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bringing the enemy closer to home: ‘conspiracy talk’ and the Norwegian far right","authors":"C. Døving, Terje Emberland","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2021.1909933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2021.1909933","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What is the appeal of joining online communities obsessed with images of enemies and filled with threatening narratives? Døving and Emberland’s article introduces the term ‘conspiracy talk’ as a useful analytical concept for answering this question. The activities of radical and populist right-wing groups in Europe have increased in recent years; in particular, they use the Internet to propagate, discuss and enhance their ideological message. On Facebook and in comments on ‘alternative’ news sites, individuals share narratives about how an invasion of Muslims will lead to the imminent downfall of European civilization unless it is not rescued by the introduction of authoritarian, ethnic nationalism. The ideology of the far right is a growing field for research but there are few studies on how the ideology is spread and rendered meaningful via discussions and comments among Internet-based communities. This article, based on analyses of the content of various websites and Facebook pages that are part of the far-right landscape of Norway, seeks to explore the role conspiracy claims play in conversations taking place within these virtual communities. It attempts to identify patterns of communication and ways of talking that make conspiratorial notions seem reasonable. Døving and Emberland argue that radical-right and right-wing populist ideas are made relevant and gain a sense of immediacy through conspiracy talk. Conspiracy talk renders conspiracy narratives meaningful by linking them to the local contexts of the participants.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"375 - 390"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45908101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"How sociology misremembers itself","authors":"Gyunghee Park","doi":"10.1080/0031322x.2022.2071283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2022.2071283","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"403 - 406"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44137180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Culture wars in the middle of Europe","authors":"I. Kalmar","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2022.2071281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2022.2071281","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"399 - 401"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45871359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Epistemic strides: from decolonizing politics and sociology to non-colonial politics and sociology","authors":"Alia Kassem","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2022.2071277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2022.2071277","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past years, decolonization has attracted growing attention across academic fields and divides. Ali Meghji’s Decolonizing Sociology and Robbie Shilliam’s Decolonizing Politics are two significant, timely and accessible interventions into this developing conversation. In this sense, they are best read as parts of the larger accumulating scholarship working towards the decolonization of contemporary education and academic disciplines, including José Itzigsohn and Karida Brown’s The Sociology of W. E. B. DuBois (2020), Aldon Morris’s The Scholar Denied (2017), Gurminder Bhambra’s Rethinking Modernity (2007), and Syed Farid Alatas and Vineeta Sinha’s Sociological Theory beyond the Canon (2017), among others. Throughout Decolonizing Sociology, Ali Meghji examines sociology’s deep entwinement with colonialism and imperialism, and its birth within the confines of European empires, often at their service. This examination shows through ample argumentation and examples how the ‘sociological canon’ offers provincial Eurocentric knowledge, and claims it to be universal. Meghji argues that this colonial sociology has been ‘exported’ to the global South, transformed into the only mode of legitimate ‘social science’ within a global colonial political economy of knowledge. Conceptualizing the canon itself as ‘colonial sociology’, Meghji consequently introduces a ‘decolonial challenge’ through, specifically, a serious engagement with southern ‘indigenous’ sociologies that resist, critique and counter the work of colonial sociology. In this respect, Meghji draws on key figures in anti-, postand decolonial scholarship, including W. E. B. DuBois, Ali Shariati and Frantz Fanon, to argue that decolonial social thinking has long engaged with the canon by offering valuable contributions to its decolonization while at the Patterns of Prejudice, 2021 Vol. 55, No. 4, 391–398, https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2022.2071277","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"391 - 398"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41999113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The ‘Scots porridge case’ of 1969: bogus discrimination, the loony state and the white backlash archive","authors":"Olivier Esteves","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2021.2011098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2021.2011098","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In November 1969, a quite odd and ludicrous case of alleged discrimination was blown out of all proportion, perhaps wilfully, by Conservative politicians and the media in Britain, some eighteen months after Enoch Powell’s Birmingham speech. A quite high-profile issue at the time, the case has now been completely forgotten. Yet, Esteves’s article suggests that the event itself is helpful to make better sense of the British—rather than merely English—ramifications of debates on race relations and discrimination, particularly at a time of an upsurge in Scottish nationalism. More importantly, the case partakes of what Esteves calls the ‘white backlash archive’, a populist and popular repertoire that nativists—not only in Britain—draw from in order to underline that the state is inefficient and counter-productive when it tries to legislate against discrimination, as well as that ethnic minorities and immigrants get undue protection from the state authorities, even though the 1969 case itself had nothing to do with ethnic minorities or immigration.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"357 - 374"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45022435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Western civilizationism and white supremacy: the Ramsay Centre for Western Civilisation","authors":"Henry Maher, Eda Gunaydin, J. McSwiney","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2021.2014087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2021.2014087","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the intersection of discourses of ‘western civilizationism’ and white supremacy through a case study of the Ramsay Centre for Western Civilisation, a philanthropic foundation that has established undergraduate degrees in ‘western civilization’ at Australian universities. Proponents of the Centre argue there is nothing harmful about celebrating western civilization and reject any suggestion of a link between what Maher, Gunaydin and McSwiney describe as a ‘civilizationist discourse’ and racism. The authors draw on neo-racism scholarship to inform a critical discourse analysis of the Centre and supporters’ publications, demonstrating that the themes of western civilization articulated by the Centre are linked to the logics of white supremacy. Accordingly, they argue that the Ramsay Centre discourse uncritically reproduces central pillars of white supremacist ideology through its cultural essentialism and veneration of western civilization. Following Rogers Brubaker’s work on western civilizationism, they find evidence in the Centre and supporters’ output of the three themes Brubaker claims make up western civilizationism, namely, Christian identitarianism, secularism and liberalism. They also offer three additional themes—decline and renewal, academic capture and teleology—that they contend are central to the Centre’s western civilizationist discourse. In addition to the notion of civilizational clash inherent to civilizationism, the Ramsay discourse evidences an inwards turn that emphasizes the threat of cultural degeneration caused by an allegedly ‘anti-western’ internal Other. They argue that this inward turn is driven by concerns of academic capture by these anti-western elements, narratives of civilizational decline and renewal, and a teleological reading of history that situates the West as the pinnacle of civilizational development. Examining constructions of western civilization in the context of an Australian case therefore improves the representativity of the literature on civilizationism, demonstrating that it is not limited to the northern and western European far right, but can also be identified in the mainstream political discourse of settler-colonial societies such as Australia.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"309 - 330"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45891526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"‘Breeders for race and nation’: gender, sexuality and fecundity in post-war British fascist discourse","authors":"Scott Burnett, J. Richardson","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2021.2011088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2021.2011088","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Burnett and Richardson’s paper has two related aims. First, it develops a model of how gender is articulated within fascist and other far-right discourses based on a review of the relevant scholarship. This model is presented in the first section. Researchers have in the past suggested a gap, or even a wilful ignorance, of gender in studies of the far right, and claimed that the topic is ‘neglected’ and ‘under-researched’. This gap is to some extent held open by disciplinary, historical and definitional boundaries that work fractally to split inquiry. Burnett and Richardson have thus read the literature in a kaleidoscopic fashion, including analysis across different historical periods and country contexts, to examine how gender surfaces in various ‘fascist’ discourses. This approach covered psychoanalytical, discourse analytical, historical, art historical, literary, political and anthropological approaches to gender and fascism. The second aim of the paper is to show how the model proposed is brought into relief in a particular country context: that of the United Kingdom since the Second World War. Gender in post-war British fascism has been the subject of several important studies, though none of them have specifically traced the textual journey of key ideas and themes related to gender in mediatized far-right discourse. Building on a discourse-historical analytic approach to the development of fascist politics of this period, Burnett and Richardson argue that paying attention to gender in fascist discourse is a useful lens through which to analyse the local and historical contingencies that make one fascist discursive formation differ from another.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"331 - 356"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42289603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}