Patterns of Prejudice最新文献_第4页

The logic of the fight against antisemitism in Germany in three cultural shifts 从三个文化转变看德国反犹太主义斗争的逻辑

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2023.2192029

Irit Dekel, Esra Öyzürek

引用次数: 0

Arguments among socialists 社会主义者之间的争论

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2022.2146306

Joseph Finlay

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The kids are alt-right: an introduction to PragerU and its role in radicalization in the United States 孩子们是另类右派:介绍PragerU及其在美国激进化中的作用

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2023.2219167

R. Dickinson, Tom Cowin

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引用次数: 1

The British monarchy and regimes of whiteness 英国的君主制和白人政权

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2022.2146304

Laurie Clancy

引用次数: 0

Hitler’s favourite ‘degenerates’ 希特勒最喜欢的“堕落者”

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322x.2022.2146307

Gregory Maertz

引用次数: 0

Deconstructing conspiracies in Marseilles 解构马赛的阴谋

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2022.2143820

S. Everett

引用次数: 0

Men and women voters of the populist radical right: are they like apples and oranges? 民粹主义激进右翼的男性和女性选民：他们像苹果和橙子吗？

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2022.2071291

Daniel Stockemer, M. Normandin

{"title":"Men and women voters of the populist radical right: are they like apples and oranges?","authors":"Daniel Stockemer, M. Normandin","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2022.2071291","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2022.2071291","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, Stockemer and Normandin test whether recent developments in the populist radical right’s messaging, such as the strategic introduction of gender equality in these parties’ political discourse and their evolution towards economic chauvinism, has changed women’s and men’s propensity to vote for the populist radical right. Using data from the eighth wave of the European Social Survey (ESS), the authors find that two traditional explanations for the gender gap in voting for the populist radical right have lost their explanatory power. First, their results indicate that the ideological moderation hypothesis no longer applies; that is, anti-immigration sentiment and a rightist ideology are currently as much of a reason to cast their ballot for the populist radical right for female voters as they are for male voters. Second, they no longer find support that economic dissatisfaction is a stronger driver for men than for women to vote for the populist radical right. Rather, their results indicate the contrary. In addition, they find that education is more of a bulwark against supporting the populist radical right for women. Finally, their results illustrate that older men are more likely to vote for the populist radical right than older women.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"56 1","pages":"41 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48437607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Heidegger and race 海德格尔与种族

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2022.2077926

R. Wolin

{"title":"Heidegger and race","authors":"R. Wolin","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2022.2077926","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2022.2077926","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, Wolin attempts to clarify a fundamental misunderstanding concerning the philosophical grounds of Heidegger’s support for National Socialism. Much of the previous literature has assumed that Heidegger, as an exponent of Existenzphilosophie, opposed Nazism on epistemological grounds. Heidegger’s defenders maintain that, since the Nazi world-view was predicated on ‘biological racism’, and since Heidegger was an inveterate critic of modern science, an unbridgeable gulf separated his Denkhabitus from the Nazi credo. However, careful scrutiny of the basic tenets of Nazi race doctrine indicates that it had very little in common with ‘scientism’. Instead, race thinking was an inherently ideological construct that emerged in polemical opposition to nineteenth-century positivism. As such, it was saturated with mystical and spiritualist elements. The end result was a confused, yet highly potent, amalgam of German romanticism, fin-de-siècle esotericism (Ariosophy), Aryan supremacism and Bismarckian Machtpolitik. At base, Nazi ‘race science’ was a contradictio in adjecto, a paradigmatic instance of modern political myth. As ‘myth’, it was untethered by the customary empirical and disciplinary constraints of the ‘logic of scientific discovery’. Moreover, Heidegger’s views on race thinking were far from unilaterally negative. In the Black Notebooks II–VI, he praised ‘race [as] a necessary and mediate condition of historical Dasein’. Fundamentally, there are very few qualitative differences between Heidegger’s defence of ‘spiritual racism’ and the understanding of race thinking propagated by Nazi ideologues such as Hans F. K. Günther and Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss. According to the philosopher and Heidegger student Karl Löwith, Heidegger ‘was not merely a distinguished representative of the “German revolution”; he was so in a manner much more radical than Ernst Krieck or Alfred Rosenberg.’","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"56 1","pages":"7 - 39"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42475804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Gender, Islam and nativism in populist radical-right posters: visualizing ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ 民粹主义激进右翼海报中的性别、伊斯兰教和本土主义：想象“内部人”和“外部人”

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2022.2115029

Feyda Sayan-Cengiz, Caner Tekin

{"title":"Gender, Islam and nativism in populist radical-right posters: visualizing ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’","authors":"Feyda Sayan-Cengiz, Caner Tekin","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2022.2115029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2022.2115029","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Sayan-Cengiz and Tekin explore the visual communication strategies of Western European populist radical-right (PRR) parties in disseminating nativist, anti-migrant and Islamophobic agendas through gendered visual representations. It is widely argued that the PRR homogenizes and dichotomizes both ‘native’ and Muslim migrant cultures through an ostensibly liberal discourse of respect for women’s rights and freedoms in order to mainstream their exclusionary position towards Muslim migrant communities. However, there is a void in the literature in terms of accounting for how visual communication strategies are used in this process. The authors here argue that looking into the visual representations of Muslim migrant and ‘native’ bodies in the PRR parties’ visual communication materials is crucial for understanding the PRR’s gendered cultural constructions of both Muslim migrant ‘outsiders’ and native ‘insiders’. Focusing on the campaign posters for the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany, the Rassemblement National (RN) in France, and the Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV) in the Netherlands using a social semiotic approach, their study suggests that Muslim migrants are represented as alien Others, but that there is also a significant difference between representations of migrant women as ‘victims’ and men as ‘aggressors’. On the other hand, ‘native’ women are represented as the embodiment of authentic national identities, as either reproducers or defenders of the nation. ‘Native’, heterosexual men do not often appear in the posters, pointing to the position of power that they hold in the PRR’s imagination. That is, they are the designated spectators and addressees of visual communication materials, rather than objects of representation.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"56 1","pages":"61 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46313442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Right-wing populist affective governing: a frame analysis of Austrian parliamentary debates on migration 右翼民粹主义情感治理：奥地利议会移民辩论的框架分析

IF 1.5 2区社会学

Patterns of Prejudice Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2021.2014089

Daniel Thiele, Birgit Sauer, Otto Penz

{"title":"Right-wing populist affective governing: a frame analysis of Austrian parliamentary debates on migration","authors":"Daniel Thiele, Birgit Sauer, Otto Penz","doi":"10.1080/0031322X.2021.2014089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2021.2014089","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the aftermath of the ‘summer of migration’ of 2015, right-wing populist discourses became increasingly commonplace. This article by Thiele, Sauer and Penz investigates the resurgence of nativist and anti-migration attitudes in Austria by focusing on parliamentary debates between 2015 and 2019 concerned with migration, asylum policies and integration measures. Their theoretical approach builds first on Cas Mudde’s conception of right-wing populism—which proceeds from the premise of corrupt ‘elites’ and threatening Others—and then combines it with theories on the politics of emotion and affects. By employing a critical affective frame analysis, the study examines how right-wing populist arguments by political actors are always intertwined with affects, like anger, fear and hope, in order to mobilize followers and voters. They regard these connections as governing strategy aiming at right-wing exclusion, a mode of governing through affects, which tends to change the affective atmosphere in Austria, that is, what is conceivable, speakable and feelable with regard to migration and refugees. As it turns out, not only the notorious Freedom Party (FPÖ) (with a longstanding far-right tradition) but also the refurbished People’s Party (ÖVP) under their new leader Sebastian Kurz, draw on discourses that are exclusionary as well as affective, encouraging the Austrian population rather to fear migrants and to feel anger, in order to mobilize them against threatening ‘migration waves’ and ‘illegal immigration’.","PeriodicalId":46766,"journal":{"name":"Patterns of Prejudice","volume":"55 1","pages":"457 - 477"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48134558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1