{"title":"Dynamics of intergroup conflict and attitudes towards outgroup members: evidence from terrorist and secession conflicts","authors":"Daniel Albalate, G. Bel, Ferran A. Mazaira-Font","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2051570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2051570","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Territorial conflicts are a significant feature of politics in Spain. The two most recent such processes are the cessation of violence by the terrorist group ETA and the pro-independence process in Catalonia. Both processes are likely to have affected the perception of intergroup threats, thus influencing the dynamics of intergroup conflict. This article embeds intergroup phenomena in a real context and applies theory to factual conflicts. Using data from two countrywide surveys run in 1994 and 2019, and by means of multivariate regression models, we analyze the role of socio-demographic, political, and cultural factors in the change of intergroup attitudes in Spain. Furthermore, we isolate non-political changes in society by matching between the populations of both surveys. We find that attitudes between the Basque national minority and the rest of Spain improved after the end of terrorism. Attitudes towards Catalonia do not show an association with the surge of the pro-independence movement, but attitudes from Catalans towards the rest of Spain worsened.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"29 1","pages":"834 - 853"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76081544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ángel Saavedra Cisneros, Tony E. Carey, D. L. Rogers, Joshua M. Johnson
{"title":"One size does not fit all: core political values and principles across race, ethnicity, and gender","authors":"Ángel Saavedra Cisneros, Tony E. Carey, D. L. Rogers, Joshua M. Johnson","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2044869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2044869","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"199 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73363670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Veteran social identity, partisanship, and political behavior","authors":"Travis W. Endicott","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2047740","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2047740","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What does it mean to be a veteran, and how does serving in the armed forces condition how veterans view their sense of identity? In a national survey sample with an oversample of veterans, I find that veterans have a stronger sense of identity as a veteran, measured in terms of self-identification as both a veteran and a feeling of closeness to the veteran group, compared to civilians. I also find that, among military veterans, combat experience and valuing time in the military leads to higher veteran identity. Moreover, I find that even some non-military members report a greater sense of identity with veterans than others. I compare the effect of this “veteran” identity to that of partisan identity and find that, for most veterans, there is a greater sense of attachment to the veteran identity than to their partisan identity. Finally, I find that veteran identity has an important, independent influence on veterans’ and civilians’ views on military spending. These findings suggest that there is a veteran identity that military members and civilians attach themselves to that is stronger than partisanship for some individuals and is associated with certain policy positions.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"288 1","pages":"813 - 833"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74951101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Shifting from replication to recognition and care: a prescription for improving graduate student mentoring in political science","authors":"C. Fattore, Shauna F. Fisher","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2044358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2044358","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political science recognizes that it has a problem in recruiting and maintaining scholars from historically excluded groups and turned to the catch-all solution of “mentoring.” In this paper, we argue that those mentoring strategies are a means for neoliberal assimilation and replication, rather than supporting those scholars from historically excluded groups, which is why the leaky pipeline persists. Utilizing the results of an original survey we fielded in 2018, we prescribe that mentors adopt a pedagogies of care approach (Motta and Bennett 2018) to minimize the harm of the current system on those PhD students and early career faculty who do not fit the ideal worker image.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"42 1","pages":"771 - 792"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90190453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Social representations of COVID-19 skeptics: denigration, demonization, and disenfranchisement","authors":"R. Jaspal, B. Nerlich","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2041443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2041443","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Denialism accompanies many global threats, such as climate change, HIV/AIDS, and now also SARS CoV-2 and COVID-19. We analyzed a corpus of 624 English-language news items to examine emerging social representations of people who question the existence of the virus or the measures to contain it. Using thematic analysis and social representations theory, we focused on the use, meanings, and implications of labels, such as “denier”, “skeptic”, or “contrarian”, and the social representations that they generate. The analysis yielded the following themes: (1) Establishing negative social representations of skeptical beliefs, (2) Personifying COVID-19 denial, (3) Conversion stories vs. schadenfreude, and (4) Resisting representations of COVID-19 denial. Overall, the representation of people doubting pandemic science and/or policy was almost entirely negative, denigrating, and sometimes demonizing. We argue that this hegemonic media representation may entrench already existing division, polarization, and disengagement, potentially undermining collective efforts to manage the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"34 1","pages":"750 - 770"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89385325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Harahap, Tanya Jakimow, A. Siahaan, Yumasdaleni
{"title":"Is money an insurmountable barrier to women’s political representation in transactional democracies? Evidence from North Sumatera, Indonesia","authors":"A. Harahap, Tanya Jakimow, A. Siahaan, Yumasdaleni","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2041442","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2041442","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Elections are expensive, disadvantaging women with limited access to financial resources. Strategies to address this problem have focused on increasing women’s campaign funds or lowering costs such as nomination fees. While important, such strategies will not overcome the disadvantages women face in countries where “transactional politics” is rife, with voter expectations for gifts and/or cash multiplying the costs of elections. Following the 2019 elections in Indonesia, women lamented that the only thing that mattered was: Isi ni tas? – how much money is in your bag? This article contributes to the literature on money and women’s underrepresentation by identifying what is at stake in electoral systems overwhelmed by “money politics.” Our research in North Sumatera, Indonesia, demonstrates that women candidates can lower the cost of expensive election campaigns through practices that achieve the symbolic ends of money politics without cash transfers to voters and campaigners. Despite these possibilities, the perception that elections are unavoidably expensive continues to deter otherwise viable women candidates from stepping forward. The commonly held belief that elections are synonymous with money politics hence serves to sustain the dominance of Indonesian politics by privileged men. New narratives of electoral successes are required to address the underrepresentation of women.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"50 6","pages":"733 - 749"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72617403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Whose lives matter? Race, public opinion, and military conflict","authors":"Whitney Hua, T. Jamieson","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2035237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2035237","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines how race affects attitudes towards conflict beyond the water’s edge. While prior literature largely assumes that all casualties affect voters’ attitudes similarly, we argue that attitudes toward casualties are importantly shaped by racial-group identities. More specifically, we argue that domestic responses to international events – namely American casualties in military conflict – are conditioned by individuals’ attitudes and biases toward the race of fallen soldiers. Using a novel survey experiment, we find that while people become more supportive of conflict when informed of any soldier’s death, support for escalating conflict only increases when the fallen soldiers have Pakistani and African American names. Our results suggest that people are more resistant to conflict when casualties of the war effort are perceived as belonging to their racial in-group, and less averse to those perceived as belonging to their racial out-group. This research is theoretically significant as it speaks to the fields of American politics; public opinion; international relations; and race, ethnicity, and politics. Further, this study demonstrates the need for scholars of public opinion and foreign policy to pay greater attention to race in future research, and highlights the importance of taking heterogeneity of racial-group identities seriously in social science.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"19 1","pages":"710 - 732"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82337154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Michael S. Rocca, Lisa M. Sanchez, Jared W. Clay, Gabriel R. Sanchez
{"title":"Re-examining the relationship between Latino population size and position taking on Latino interests in the US House of Representatives","authors":"Michael S. Rocca, Lisa M. Sanchez, Jared W. Clay, Gabriel R. Sanchez","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2026792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2026792","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In contrast to strong evidence that increases in district-level African American population size leads to greater support of African American issues in Congress, 40 years of research has been decidedly mixed on whether increases in district-level Latino population size translate to greater support of Latino issues. This paper provides an update to this literature by analyzing members’ of Congress (MCs) support of Latino issues through roll call voting, as collected by the National Hispanic Leadership Agenda (NHLA) in the 113th (2013–2014) through 115th (2017–2018) House of Representatives. First, we find no relationship between NHLA scores and Latino district-level population size among Democratic MCs. The reason is that Democrats’ NHLA baseline support is already very high, regardless of Latino population size. But Republican MCs’ support for NHLA positions in the 113th through 115th Congresses increases as the size of their Latino constituency increases. Interestingly, we find that this relationship is tied to a district’s Latino noncitizen population as well as their Latino voter-eligible population. So, while Democrats on the whole may provide greater substantive representation to Latinos than Republican MCs, Republican MCs are not entirely unresponsive to Latino interests, particularly if they are given sufficient reason to be responsive.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"31 1","pages":"916 - 934"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84350827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"White identity, Donald Trump, and the mobilization of extremism","authors":"Sean Long","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2025868","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2025868","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper seeks to examine the relationship between extremist mobilization and elite cues. Specifically, I explore how political elites can mobilize fringe extremists by looking at a specific example where Trump's 2016 candidacy mobilized members of the White extremist alt-right by appealing to their sense of White in-group identification. It will first be shown how the alt-right was responsive to Trump's rhetoric by performing interrupted time series analyses on blog texts from the prominent extremist Daily Stormer. Then, I will incorporate results from a survey experiment showing how White identity motivates those high in alt-right sentiment to support candidates who use racialized and White identity-related rhetoric. Finally, I connect these observations using data from the 2016 ANES pilot to show how White identity uniquely motivated primary-era support for Trump, showing how Trump was distinct in his appeal to those high in White identity. Across these last three analyses, I also show how out-group animus in the form of racial resentment consistently fails to predict the unique support that Trump received from the alt-right. Overall, this paper shows how White identity can result in White extremist support for a mainstream political candidate.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"94 1","pages":"638 - 666"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85884969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Isabelle Côté, M. Devries, J. Grant, Matthew I. Mitchell, Dimitrios Panagos
{"title":"The power of numbers: how majority/minority status affects media coverage and framing of Indigenous contentious politics in Canada","authors":"Isabelle Côté, M. Devries, J. Grant, Matthew I. Mitchell, Dimitrios Panagos","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2021.2020663","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2021.2020663","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT News media perform an important role in shaping how Canadian society views Indigenous peoples and issues. They are rarely passive, neutral bystanders, as media routinely employ a particular set of frames (e.g., criminality, economic burden, threats to unity, promotion of social justice) when covering Indigenous stories. We explore how the use of such frames is influenced by dynamics of power as they relate to majority/minority linguistic differences. Through a controlled comparison, we examine the 2008–2019 media coverage of Indigenous responses to Ontario’s Far North Act and Québec’s Plan Nord – both of which concerned resource development on or near Indigenous territory. We find that where media serve the linguistic majority, they are much more likely to frame Indigenous responses to development plans as a threat to national unity. In contrast, where media serve the linguistic minority, they are significantly more likely to frame Indigenous responses in terms of social justice. Our findings suggest that traditional understandings of the differences between mainstream and ethnic or minority media fail to capture the complex dynamics at work in multilingual states. The paper addresses this gap in the literature and provides a broader understanding of how media and power dynamics shape the representation of Indigenous contentious politics.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"1 1","pages":"619 - 637"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72551264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}