{"title":"Universal quantifiers, focus, and grammatical relations in Besemah","authors":"Bradley McDonnell","doi":"10.1075/sl.20060.mcd","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20060.mcd","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article describes adverbial universal quantification in Besemah, a little-described Malayic language of\u0000 southwest Sumatra, and how the syntactic position of the quantifier relates to grammatical relations and information structure.\u0000 Given previous descriptions of the relationship between quantifiers and grammatical relations, especially in western Austronesian\u0000 languages (e.g., Kroeger 1993; Musgrave\u0000 2001), Besemah presents a unique system of universal quantification wherein adverbial universal quantifiers place severe\u0000 restrictions on which arguments can be quantified. I argue that these restrictions are fundamentally different than those\u0000 described as ‘quantifier float’ in other languages, but they are not incidental. Instead, these restrictions can be explained by\u0000 the fact that the adverbial universal quantifier also marks focus in Besemah.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72790213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Markedness and voicing gaps in stop and fricative inventories","authors":"Sheng-Fu Wang","doi":"10.1075/sl.21017.wan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21017.wan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This study investigates the hypothesis that marked sounds are more likely to be gaps in a sound inventory. A gap is defined as an absence of an [α voice] stop or fricative when the [−α voice] counterpart exists. Different formulations of markedness are tested and evaluated on whether they label the gaps as more marked than attested sounds. Results show an overall success of markedness based on typological attestedness of sounds in labeling gaps as more marked. However, the success of markedness based on aerodynamics and cross-linguistic phonological processes is limited to stops and fricatives, respectively. Analyses also show that gaps in attested inventories are more likely to be marked than gaps from randomized artificial inventories. This discrepancy between attested and artificial inventories shows how markedness, feature economy, and symmetry interact in shaping sound systems of human languages.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86435726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The development of the Chinese V de O cleft construction","authors":"Fangqiong Zhan, H. Pan","doi":"10.1075/sl.21071.zha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21071.zha","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper addresses the development of the Chinese V de O cleft construction, and how the cleft\u0000 constructional network was developed in the history of Chinese. It is argued that V de O clefts emerged in the\u0000 13th century which was about 300 years later than VP de clefts. A key factor in their development is the use in\u0000 Middle Chinese of relative clause in post-copula position. We argue that the emergence of V de O clefts also\u0000 involved analogization to the extant VP de clefts as well as deferred equatives. Once V de O\u0000 clefts occurred, they were recruited into the cleft network as a subschema, resulting in the schematic network being augmented and\u0000 expanded. This study is a contribution to the developing field of constructionalization by making more explicit the way how nodes\u0000 are created in a constructional network and how the network is reorganized and expanded.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76077169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Creating versatility in Thai demonstratives","authors":"Shoichi Iwasaki, Parada Dechapratumwan","doi":"10.1075/sl.20083.iwa","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20083.iwa","url":null,"abstract":"Beyond their basic function to index exophoric and endophoric referents, Thai demonstratives have a host of pragmatic functions to encode concerns regarding discourse organization, subjectivity, and intersubjectivity. Based on a detailed analysis of demonstratives used in conversation, we attempt to uncover the pattern of grammaticalization for this class of words in Thai, and to propose a mechanism that allows them to develop multiple functions. Since demonstratives are indexical signs and are qualitatively distinct from content words, we must view the grammaticalization process of demonstratives differently from that of content words. In this paper, we use the model of the joint attention triangle based on Diessel’s earlier work and the functional utterance frame based on the “attractor position” analysis for grammaticalization of nouns and verbs advanced by Bisang (1996) to analyze how exactly demonstratives come to acquire pragmatic functions.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138516002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Weather expressions in Basque","authors":"Iñigo Arteatx, Xabier Artiagoitia","doi":"10.1075/sl.20036.art","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20036.art","url":null,"abstract":"We make two claims regarding weather expressions in Basque: first, based on Eriksen et al.’s (2010) typology, we show that Basque tends towards the argument type (and less frequently so to the predicate-argument type) when coding dynamic (precipitation or other) events and to both the argument and the predicate type when coding static events; Basque often has transitive structures (i.e. both transitive predicate and argument transitive types), apparently a rare typological feature. Second, with respect to two key issues in the study of weather predicates within Generative Grammar, we claim (a) that Basque supports the view that both lexicalizations of weather verbs (unaccusative and unergative/transitive) are possible across languages, as argued by Bleotu (2015) and Levin & Krejci (2019); and (b) that the empty pro subject of Basque transitive weather constructions is closer to a quasi-argument (Chomsky 1981; Levin & Krejci 2019) rather than to a true expletive.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"34 S1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138518283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Verbal number in Idi","authors":"Dineke Schokkin","doi":"10.1075/sl.21052.sch","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21052.sch","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper provides a first description of verbal number in Idi, a language of the Pahoturi River family spoken in Western Province, Papua New Guinea. Idi shows an intricate system of marking verbal number, evident in verb stems and two sets of suffixes occurring in different positions on the verb, based on a distinction between nonplural (1 or 2) versus plural (more than 2). Verbs also agree in person and number with core arguments; this system of nominal number is distinguishing singular (1) from nonsingular (more than 1). Elements from the two systems are combined to arrive at composite number values for both events and participants. In addition, verbal number interrelates with a lexical aspectual distinction of punctual/telic versus durative/atelic, manifesting on verb stems and in inflectional patterns. The paper provides evidence for the thesis that verbal number in Idi is not merely lexically determined, but largely inflectional.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"83 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83721273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Language simplification in endangered languages?","authors":"A. Andrason, John Sullivan, Justyna Olko","doi":"10.1075/sl.20082.and","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20082.and","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The present paper examines a hypothetical correlation between language endangerment and the simplification of nominal and verbal inflections. After contrasting the complexities exhibited by two endangered languages (Eastern Huasteca Nahuatl and Wymysorys) with the complexities of their non-endangered predecessors (Older Nahuatl and Middle High German, respectively), the authors conclude that the endangerment-simplification entanglement cannot be demonstrated. First, although Wymysorys (a more endangered code) is slightly more simplified than Nahuatl (a less endangered code) as far as the nominal domain is concerned, this relationship is reversed in the verbal domain. Second, simplifying tendencies are not radical, with a number of innovative complexifying processes being also present. Third, when attested, simplification constitutes part of a “natural” language evolution rather than a process resulting from the endangerment.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78952052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Spatial prepositions min and ʕan in Traditional Negev Arabic","authors":"R. Henkin, Letizia Cerqueglini","doi":"10.1075/sl.20053.hen","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20053.hen","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Arabic prepositions min and ʕan in their prototypical spatial use relate to\u0000 the Source domain, translating as ‘(away) from’. In many contemporary dialects ʕan is absent or limited to\u0000 secondary, non-spatial meanings. In Traditional Negev Arabic, however, both prepositions are used complementarily. The proto-scene\u0000 of ablative min is a Figure (F) exiting from a 3-dimensional Ground (G)-source, with ‘containment’ and\u0000 ‘boundary-crossing’ typical components of the scene. The preposition ʕan prototypically fulfils a separative\u0000 function, denoting separation from a Source with no relevance to dimensions, and has developed secondary modal functions. Both\u0000 also have perlative functions and may appear in static scenes. Only min heads prepositional complexes, where it\u0000 typically restores the nominal origin of the following element as a bounded region. So ‘min behind the house’ may\u0000 denote ‘in the back zone of the house’; these complexes characterize multiple axes, when F crosses G’s path.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"2016 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88269243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nominal reduplication in cross-linguistic perspective","authors":"Simone Mattiola, Alessandra Barotto","doi":"10.1075/sl.21050.mat","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21050.mat","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper aims at investigating the semantics of nominal reduplication cross-linguistically. Nominal\u0000 reduplication is treated as an iconic morphological device expressing functions that have something to do with plurality.\u0000 Nevertheless, in the languages of the world, other types of functions are attested as well, which seem to pivot around different\u0000 notions like conceptual similarity, heterogeneity, combinations of them, or even possession. Based on a large-scale\u0000 cross-linguistic analysis, we provide a typology of nominal reduplication considering the range of semantic functions and the type\u0000 of reduplicative patterns. We argue that the attested variation clearly points to a common semantic core underlying the various\u0000 functions, and this core can be identified in some modification of the degree and type of referentiality. Finally, the attested\u0000 tendencies and correlations may shed new light on the role of iconicity in explaining the connection between reduplicated nouns\u0000 and their functions.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80667928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The ‘general fact’ copula in Yolmo and the influence of Tamang","authors":"Lauren Gawne, Thomas Owen-Smith","doi":"10.1075/sl.21049.gaw","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21049.gaw","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper examines the similarity of the Yolmo ‘general fact’ evidential and the ‘generic fact’ evidential in the Tamang dialect spoken in the valley of the Indrawati Khola. Yolmo òŋge is unlike any evidential attested in other Tibetic languages, but shares features with \u0000 1kha-pa in the local dialect of Tamang. Semantically, they both are used for situations that are generally known facts. Structurally, both are copulas with evidential functions that are formed using the lexical verb ‘come’. We argue that language contact between Tamang speakers of the Indrawati Khola area and Yolmo speakers in the Melamchi Valley led to the Yolmo language calquing the Tamang form. We illustrate these copulas and their relationship because grammaticalisation of copulas from a lexical verb ‘come’ is cross-linguistically uncommon.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82038385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}