Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics最新文献_第6页

Adding the microdimension to the study of language change in contact. Three case studies 在接触中语言变化的研究中加入微观维度。三个案例研究

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5748

Luigi Andriani, Roberta D'Alessandro, A. Frasson, Brechje van Osch, Luana Sorgini, Silvia Terenghi

{"title":"Adding the microdimension to the study of language change in contact. Three case studies","authors":"Luigi Andriani, Roberta D'Alessandro, A. Frasson, Brechje van Osch, Luana Sorgini, Silvia Terenghi","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5748","url":null,"abstract":"Syntactic change in contact is generally explained as a result of cognitive, structural/typological, or sociolinguistic factors. However, the relative weight of these factors in shaping the outputs of contact is yet to be assessed. In this paper, we propose a microcontact approach to the study of change in contact, focusing on microsyntactic points of variation across multiple language pairs that are structurally very close. We show that this approach makes it possible to more accurately identify some of the factors that are involved in change. By considering three case studies centered on the syntax of subjects, objects, and indexicals, we show that the outputs of syntactic change in microcontact diverge from what is expected under otherwise solid generalizations (avoidance of indeterminacy, avoidance of silence, the Interface Hypothesis, a tendency towards simplification, and the general stability of the indexical domain) regarding change in contact. Microcontact offers a finer-grained point of observation, allowing us to go beyond broader typological assumptions and to focus on the link between structure and cognition. The results of our case studies demonstrate that the outputs of change in contact are an interplay between cognitive and structural factors (see also Muysken 2013 for additional processing considerations), and that the micro-variational dimension is crucial in drawing a precise picture of heritage language syntax.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81952807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 6

Proportionality and Conservativity in Turkish 土耳其语中的比例与保守

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5767

İsa Kerem Bayırlı

引用次数: 0

Domains and directionality in Kinande vowel harmony: a Correspondence approach 基南德语元音和谐中的域和方向:对应的方法

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-02-28 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5712

L. Downing, Martin Krämer

引用次数: 0

On the status of non-iterativity in feature spreading 论非迭代性在特征扩展中的地位

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-02-18 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5783

Adam G. McCollum, Darya Kavitskaya

{"title":"On the status of non-iterativity in feature spreading","authors":"Adam G. McCollum, Darya Kavitskaya","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5783","url":null,"abstract":"In the most commonly discussed cases, feature spreading is iterative, applying to all licit targets within a given domain. Early work within rule-based theories of phonology developed explicit mechanisms to induce both iterative and non-iterative patterns (e.g. Howard 1973; Anderson 1974). The issue of (non)iterativity has received as much attention in more recent work, with the notable exception of Kaplan (2008), who argues that both iterativity and non-iterativity are emergent concepts, and are always derivable from other forces at work in the grammar. In this paper we examine the status of non-iterativity, drawing on production data from Crimean Tatar. We argue that, in line with previous descriptions of the language, rounding harmony is truly non-iterative in the Central dialect of the language, and not derivable from other, independent constraints in the language. This finding is supported by evidence from several other languages, which all exhibit the same type of non-iterative spreading. We argue that the presence of these patterns demands a formal account, and we discuss the analysis of non-iterativity in both rule- and constraint-based theories, discussing their different predictions for the typology of feature spreading.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90567225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Past participle agreement in French and Italian: A two-Agree analysis 法语和意大利语的过去分词一致:两个一致分析

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-02-07 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5830

A. Kobayashi

{"title":"Past participle agreement in French and Italian: A two-Agree analysis","authors":"A. Kobayashi","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5830","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, past participle agreement (PPA) patterns in French and Italian are explained based on recent minimalist notions involving minimal search and labeling. For minimal computation, Agree minimally values a participle and an in-situ object (Minimal Agree). Hence, the participle is spelled out in a default form. If an object is displaced, a participle can choose to Agree with the object’s copy in its SPEC. Since the Agree operation is coupled with labeling, it fully values the participle (Thorough Agree), resulting in morphological agreement. In many cases, the optionality of PPA results from the participle’s free selection between the two types of Agree. The proposed analysis also deals with cases where PPA is either obligatory or absent. First, a derived subject obligatorily triggers agreement since Thorough Agree applies to the subject to label the so-called TP node, which also affects the participle. Second, Italian 3rd person clitic objects control agreement obligatorily, which is attributed to their internal structure. Third, agreement with a wh-object is absent in Italian because of criterial freezing. Since Thorough Agree is part of criterial licensing, a wh-phrase cannot select this option until it reaches its final criterial position unless some form of reconstruction is available.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91073867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Semantic-role prominence is contingent on referent prominence in discourse: Experimental evidence from impersonals and passives in Polish 语义角色的突出取决于话语中的指称突出:波兰语中非人格和被动语态的实验证据

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-02-06 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5697

F. Kretzschmar, Maria Katarzyna Prenner, Beatrice Primus †, Daniel Bunčić

{"title":"Semantic-role prominence is contingent on referent prominence in discourse: Experimental evidence from impersonals and passives in Polish","authors":"F. Kretzschmar, Maria Katarzyna Prenner, Beatrice Primus †, Daniel Bunčić","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5697","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5697","url":null,"abstract":"Semantic roles are an important piece of information in sentence interpretation. While role-related effects in sentence comprehension are well established, the definition and structure of roles such as the agent are still controversially debated. One open question pertains to whether there is a general advantage for the prototypical agent or whether prototypical and atypical agents are flexibly privileged depending on the discourse function of the syntactic construction they occur in, i.e. depending on whether a construction demotes or promotes the agent referent. In two acceptability judgement tests, we investigated this open question for the Polish passive and the Polish impersonal no/-to construction. The former serves both patient promotion and agent demotion, while the latter only demotes the agent referent in discourse. We find an effect of role prominence as reflected in construction-specific acceptability clines: Both constructions show no advantage for volitional (prototypical) agents, but reveal differences for non-volitional experiencer subjects (i.e. atypical agents). This suggests that for atypical agentive arguments such as experiencers, the type of predicate (e.g. emotion vs. cognition vs. perception predicate) matters for role prominence. The experimental findings were supported by a corpus analysis, revealing that verbs with higher ratings in, e.g., the -no/-to construction also occurred more frequently in the construction. Overall, the pattern of results cannot be explained by role prototypicality that predicts a construction-inde¬pen-dent advantage for prototypical agents. Rather, the experiments provide further evidence for the model of role prominence presented by Himmelmann & Primus (2015).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86714951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Part-introducing 'percent' in English 英语中引入部分的百分数

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5791

E. Coppock

{"title":"Part-introducing 'percent' in English","authors":"E. Coppock","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5791","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is dedicated to a detailed empirical investigation of the distribution of percent in English, with an eye toward pushing our theoretical understanding of the phenomenon forward. Two uses of percent, called ‘conservative’ and ‘reversed’, have been observed. But the ‘reversed’ use is not the only one in which percent introduces a predicate that characterizes a part of a larger whole; there are also predicative ones, among others. The hunch on which the present investigation is based is that the predicative uses might form a natural class with the reversed uses. To get traction on this issue, I develop a catalog of cases in which percent combines directly with a predicate, on the basis of a corpus study. I then consider how existing theories fare in capturing its distribution, and offer two suggestions for improving the empirical coverage with a uniform treatment of the part-introducing uses. First, I propose a type- shift that converts a non-gradable predicate to a gradable one that tracks mereological parthood. This makes any non-gradable predicate eligible for use with a previous analysis of percent in constructions like 75% full. Second, motivated by cumulative-like readings, I sketch an analysis in a dynamic semantics with plurals in which percent applies to a cross-assignment sum, evaluated after the rest of the constraints in the clause have been applied to the discourse referent in question.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90409149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Affrication as the cause of /s/-retraction: Evidence from Manchester English 发音作为/s/-缩回的原因:来自曼彻斯特英语的证据

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-30 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.8026

George Bailey, Stephen Nichols, Danielle Turton, Maciej Baranowski

{"title":"Affrication as the cause of /s/-retraction: Evidence from Manchester English","authors":"George Bailey, Stephen Nichols, Danielle Turton, Maciej Baranowski","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8026","url":null,"abstract":"Retraction of /s/ to a more [ʃ]-like sound is a well-known sound change attested across many varieties of English for /stɹ/ words, e.g. street and strong. Despite recent sociophonetic interest in the variable, there remains disagreement over whether it represents a case of long-distance assimilation to /ɹ/ in these clusters or a two-step process involving local assimilation to an affricate derived from the sequence /tɹ/. In this paper, we investigate Manchester English and apply similar quantitative analysis to two contexts that are comparatively under-researched, but which allow us to tease apart the presence of an affricate and a rhotic: /stj/ as in student, which exhibits similar affrication of the /tj/ cluster in many varieties of British English, and /stʃ/ as in mischief. In an acoustic analysis conducted on a demographically-stratified corpus of over 115 sociolinguistic interviews, we track these three environments of /s/-retraction in apparent time and find that they change in parallel and behave in tandem with respect to the other factors conditioning variation in /s/-retraction. Based on these results, we argue that the triggering mechanisms of retraction are best modelled with direct reference to /t/-affrication and with /ɹ/ playing only an indirect, and not unique, role. Analysis of the whole sibilant space also reveals apparent-time change in the magnitude of the /s/–/ʃ/ contrast itself, highlighting the importance of contextualising this change with respect to the realisation of English sibilants more generally as these may be undergoing independent change.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"128 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72917181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Scope and relative measurement in Mandarin 中文的范围和相对度量

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-26 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5787

Haoze Li

引用次数: 0

Structural and phonological cues for gender assignment in monolingual and bilingual children acquiring German. Experiments with real and nonce words 单语和双语儿童德语习得性别分配的结构和语音线索。用真实的和临时的单词做实验

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5696

T. Kupisch, Miriam Geiss, N. Mitrofanova, Marit Westergaard

引用次数: 2