{"title":"Differential place marking beyond place names: Evidence from two Amazonian languages","authors":"Karolin Obert, A. Skilton","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6371","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6371","url":null,"abstract":"Some languages display variable marking on spatial adjuncts with the same semantic role – a phenomenon known as differential place marking (DPM). Recent studies of DPM have established two common typological claims regarding the motivations and morphological realizations of the phenomenon: 1. DPM is primarily motivated by noun semantics, mainly opposing place names and other nouns; and 2. DPM is primarily realized as a contrast between zero-marking of place names and contentful marking of other nouns in spatial adjunct role. This paper evaluates these claims against new fieldwork data from two Indigenous languages spoken in Northwestern Amazonia: Dâw (Naduhup) and Ticuna (isolate). We demonstrate that DPM in these languages is conditioned by many factors beyond the contrast between place names and other nouns, including the perceptual and ontological properties of noun referents (i.e. size, boundedness); the morphosyntactic properties of verbs; and the semantics of verbs. We additionally argue that morphological realizations of DPM extend beyond contrasts between zero- and contentful marking. Rather, DPM in these languages is realized through alternation between markers of equal complexity, as well as through variation in the set of markers with which the adjunct can combine. ","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87710525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Bare singulars and relative measure in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"Suzi Lima, Guillaume Thomas","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5779","url":null,"abstract":"Brazilian Portuguese has received much attention in the nominal typology literature for being a language with a fully-fledged definite determiner system that also allows generalized bare singulars and bare plurals. We present a description of relative measures in Brazilian Portuguese showing that definiteness is a predictor of conservative construals and that non-conservative construals may be encoded by bare plurals and bare singulars. We show that the availability of bare singulars with a non-conservative interpretation in relative measure structures is compatible with an analysis of bare singulars as kind-denoting terms in the language.\u0000","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72723760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The (in)definite inferences of accusative andgenitive in Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian","authors":"Halima Husic, A. Renans","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5701","url":null,"abstract":"There is an ongoing discussion in the literature on how (if at all) the definiteness is conveyed in languages which lack the (in)definite article system. One proposal is that in Slavic languages the (in)definite interpretation can be conveyed by case markers (e.g. Kagan, 2007; Khrizman, 2014; Borschev et al, 2008). In particular, the observation was that in the case of accusative/genitive alternation, while accusative is associated with the definite interpretation, the genitive case is associated with the indefinite interpretation. We tested this observation in Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian. The results of our research show that whereas accusative conveys the familiarity of the discourse referent and the quantity of stuff denoted by the NP, the genitive case conveys their unfamiliarity. We argue that the inferences of genitive arise at the presuppositonal level and that the inferences of accusative are derived as anti-presuppositions.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"135 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88465592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A phonological solution to allomorphy in Georgian nominal inflection","authors":"Marcin Fortuna","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5820","url":null,"abstract":"Georgian features three patterns of nominal inflection, which are dependent on the structure of the stem. The stem can be consonantal, vocalic truncating, and vocalic non-truncating, with the consequences for the shape of the inflectional suffixes. However, variants of each individual case suffix differ across the three stem types in unique ways, with no single pattern being used for more than one grammatical case. This could suggest a solution based on traditional allomorph selection from a predefined list of stored forms. The paper argues, however, that a phonological explanation of the pattern is possible when rich autosegmental representations are employed. The analysis is couched within the CVCV model of phonology (Scheer 2004).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"2018 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87791183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Revisiting “verbal agreement”: The case of Israeli Hebrew","authors":"Leon Shor","doi":"10.16995/glossa.7955","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.7955","url":null,"abstract":"This paper questions the adequacy of the notion ‘verbal agreement’ with respect to the inflectional marking of person in verbal paradigms, using Israeli Hebrew (IH) as a case study. With regard to IH, the paper argues against the verbal agreement interpretation of the inflectional affixes of the person-inflected paradigms in general, and against the assumption that third person verbs are not marked for person in particular. Adopting a corpus-based and a synchronic intra-paradigmatic perspective, it is suggested that the inflectional affixes in IH should be treated as referential elements (‘bound pronouns’) that are uniformly marked for person. More broadly, the validity of the concept of verbal agreement is questioned based on its incompatibility with observed cross-linguistic data and its historiographical origin. In this respect, the notion verbal agreement presupposes the primacy/naturalness of a particular clausal format – a bipartite structure in which the lexical subject NP and the predicate are present and morphologically independent. As this presupposition essentially reflects a logico-philosophical perspective of the clause originating in the works of the first Greek grammarians rather than a usage-based linguistic one, it is argued that the term ‘verbal agreement’ is inadequate.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77326970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cumulative markedness effects and (non-)linearity in phonotactics","authors":"Canaan Breiss, Adam Albright","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5713","url":null,"abstract":"This study uses an Artificial Grammar Learning experiment to test for a synchronic relationship between the severity of an individual phonotactic violation and the linearity of its cumulative interaction with other violations, prompted by previous experimental findings (Albright 2012, Breiss (submitted)). We find that as individual phonotactic patterns are made more exceptionful, their interaction moves from linear to super-linear, and argue that this provides evidence for a non-linear relationship between Harmony and probability. We evaluate five contemporary phonological frameworks using this data, and find that those which incorporate such a non-linear relationship -- Maximum Entropy HG and Noisy HG -- are able to capture the super-linear patterns observed significantly better than other frameworks. Further, we demonstrate that a MaxEnt model provided the same training data as experimental participants exhibits similar emergent super-linear cumulativity, and explore the weighting conditions under which MaxEnt models yield sub-linear, linear, and super-linear cumulativity.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73024335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Hebrew Construct State in an Endocentric Model of the NP","authors":"Benjamin Bruening","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5763","url":null,"abstract":"Ritter (1991) is widely cited as having shown that Hebrew nominals require functional structure like DP and Num(ber)P above the lexical NP (see, e.g., Preminger 2020). I demonstrate here that a very simple analysis is available in a model where the maximal projection of the nominal is a projection of the head N. This analysis posits very little movement and requires few auxiliary assumptions. Most dependents of N are simply base-generated in their surface positions. There is no need for functional projections like DP and NumP, and hence no argument from Hebrew for their existence.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84453226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Luigi Andriani, Roberta D'Alessandro, A. Frasson, Brechje van Osch, Luana Sorgini, Silvia Terenghi
{"title":"Adding the microdimension to the study of language change in contact. Three case studies","authors":"Luigi Andriani, Roberta D'Alessandro, A. Frasson, Brechje van Osch, Luana Sorgini, Silvia Terenghi","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5748","url":null,"abstract":"Syntactic change in contact is generally explained as a result of cognitive, structural/typological, or sociolinguistic factors. However, the relative weight of these factors in shaping the outputs of contact is yet to be assessed. In this paper, we propose a microcontact approach to the study of change in contact, focusing on microsyntactic points of variation across multiple language pairs that are structurally very close. We show that this approach makes it possible to more accurately identify some of the factors that are involved in change. By considering three case studies centered on the syntax of subjects, objects, and indexicals, we show that the outputs of syntactic change in microcontact diverge from what is expected under otherwise solid generalizations (avoidance of indeterminacy, avoidance of silence, the Interface Hypothesis, a tendency towards simplification, and the general stability of the indexical domain) regarding change in contact. Microcontact offers a finer-grained point of observation, allowing us to go beyond broader typological assumptions and to focus on the link between structure and cognition. The results of our case studies demonstrate that the outputs of change in contact are an interplay between cognitive and structural factors (see also Muysken 2013 for additional processing considerations), and that the micro-variational dimension is crucial in drawing a precise picture of heritage language syntax.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81952807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Proportionality and Conservativity in Turkish","authors":"İsa Kerem Bayırlı","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5767","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we are concerned with the form-meaning relations associated with two types of measurement constructions in Turkish: proportional measurement constructions (PMCs) and reverse proportional measurement constructions (rPMCs). We first take note of some syntactic differences between these constructions that play a crucial role in explaining their semantic properties. We claim that rPMCs exhibit non-conservativity effects due to the fact that the nominal expression (i.e. the substance noun) inside an rPMC is interpreted in its vP-internal position. PMCs, on the other hand, undergo DP-movement, as a result of which the substance noun is interpreted both in the tail and in the head of the movement chain. We show that the analysis developed in this paper accounts for the distribution of non-conservative readings of the context-sensitive proportional determiners many and few.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84239482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Domains and directionality in Kinande vowel harmony: a Correspondence approach","authors":"L. Downing, Martin Krämer","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5712","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5712","url":null,"abstract":"The ATR vowel harmony patterns observed in Kinande have received persistent attention for their non-canonical properties, such as a combination of stem control and dominance, dominance reversal, and optional extension of the harmonic domain from that of the prosodic word to a nominal phrase (DP). A full optimality-theoretic account of the complex patterns has, however, not yet been developed. We fill this gap and argue that a Syntagmatic Correspondence approach paired with domain limitations of constraints captures the Kinande harmony pattern in all its complexity, providing strong support for this approach to vowel harmony.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79946772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}