Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics最新文献

{"title":"Early exposure, crosslinguistic influence and input type in the acquisition of Spanish clitics among Chinese-Spanish bilinguals","authors":"Jian Jiao, Alejandro Cuza","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5770","url":null,"abstract":"This present study investigates the acquisition of Spanish clitics among 21 simultaneous and sequential Chinese/Spanish bilinguals from Peru and 21 Chinese L2 learners of Spanish from China. Results from a story-retelling task showed an advantage by the simultaneous bilinguals regarding target clitic use. However, the sequential bilinguals and the adult L2 learners did not show significant differences among themselves. Both groups showed non-canonical use of clitics and the L2 learners showed divergences with gender marking and clitic clusters. We argue that, while earlier exposure to Spanish facilitates the canonical use of clitic, especially in the complex structure of clitic clusters, instructional learning setting showed an effect similar to naturalistic learning regarding the production of clitics and gender specification. However, clitic cluster presents higher difficulty that may not be overcome by instruction only.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"56 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84753405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Assertion and Presupposition: the Syntax of Embedded Context Updates","authors":"Kajsa Djärv","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5752","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5752","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the idea that the presence vs. absence of illocutionary potential in declarative clausal complements is syntactically reflected in the embedded clause. Specifically, we examine the two claims that (a) clauses with illocutionary potential involve an extended left-periphery encoding elements relevant to assertion (e.g. Rizzi 1997), and (b) that clauses without illocutionary potential are referential, presuppositional, or given, encoding syntactic properties of definiteness (Kiparsky & Kiparsky 1970; et seq). To this aim, we look at three phenomena commonly used to distinguish assertive and definite clauses (the licensing of Main Clause Phenomena, clausal anaphora, and extraction), asking whether their distribution across embedding contexts in fact tracks this pragmatic distinction. By looking at the distribution of these phenomena across a fairly wide range of predicates of different types (including both factive and non-factive verbs, as well as both negative and positive predicates), we conclude that the phenomena in question neither share the same distribution, nor are they sensitive to the same properties of the (embedding) context. Thus, they do in fact not call for a unified account. Rather, we find that among the phenomena investigated, only one, namely embedded V2, fits the description above of being licensed in contexts with illocutionary potential, and not available in contexts where the embedded proposition is obligatorily discourse old, or `pragmatically definite'. We conclude the paper with a proposal for a formal characterization of the types of embedded context updates that license embedded V2; extending the so-called Table Model of Bruce & Farkas 2010 to complex speaker assertions. We further show how this semantic model can be straightforwardly implemented in a standard (Rizzian) ForceP-based analysis of the assertive left-periphery. This account thus provides a concrete semantics for complex assertions, and makes explicit the bridge between this type of (fairly standard) syntactic approach to embedded assertions/V2, and the pragmatic approach to embedded V2 proposed in Caplan & Djärv 2017 and Djärv 2019.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82631767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Non-binary language in Spanish? Comprehension of non-binary morphological forms: a psycholinguistic study","authors":"Noelia Ayelén Stetie, Gabriela Mariel Zunino","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6144","url":null,"abstract":"There is empirical evidence in different languages ​​on how the computation of gender morphology during psycholinguistic processing affects the construction of sex-generic representations. However, there are few experimental studies in Spanish and there is no empirical evidence that analyzes the psycholinguistic processing of morphological innovations used as non-binary forms (-x; -e) in contrast to the generic masculine variant (-o). To analyze this phenomenon, we designed a sentence comprehension task. We registered reading times, precision and response times. The results show the specialization of non-binary forms as generic morphological variants, as opposed to the generic masculine. The non-binary forms consistently elicited a reference to mixed groups of people and the response times indicated that these morphological variants do not carry a higher processing cost than the generic masculine. Contrary to what classical grammatical approaches propose, the generic masculine does not function in all cases as generic and its ability to refer to groups of people without uniform gender seems to be modulated by the stereotipicality of the role names.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85621332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Differential place marking beyond place names: Evidence from two Amazonian languages","authors":"Karolin Obert, A. Skilton","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6371","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6371","url":null,"abstract":"Some languages display variable marking on spatial adjuncts with the same semantic role – a phenomenon known as differential place marking (DPM). Recent studies of DPM have established two common typological claims regarding the motivations and morphological realizations of the phenomenon: 1. DPM is primarily motivated by noun semantics, mainly opposing place names and other nouns; and 2. DPM is primarily realized as a contrast between zero-marking of place names and contentful marking of other nouns in spatial adjunct role. This paper evaluates these claims against new fieldwork data from two Indigenous languages spoken in Northwestern Amazonia: Dâw (Naduhup) and Ticuna (isolate).  We demonstrate that DPM in these languages is conditioned by many factors beyond the contrast between place names and other nouns, including the perceptual and ontological properties of noun referents (i.e. size, boundedness); the morphosyntactic properties of verbs; and the semantics of verbs. We additionally argue that morphological realizations of DPM extend beyond contrasts between zero- and contentful marking. Rather, DPM in these languages is realized through alternation between markers of equal complexity, as well as through variation in the set of markers with which the adjunct can combine. ","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87710525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bare singulars and relative measure in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"Suzi Lima, Guillaume Thomas","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5779","url":null,"abstract":"Brazilian Portuguese has received much attention in the nominal typology literature for being a language with a fully-fledged definite determiner system that also allows generalized bare singulars and bare plurals. We present a description of relative measures in Brazilian Portuguese showing that definiteness is a predictor of conservative construals and that non-conservative construals may be encoded by bare plurals and bare singulars. We show that the availability of bare singulars with a non-conservative interpretation in relative measure structures is compatible with an analysis of bare singulars as kind-denoting terms in the language.\u0000","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72723760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The (in)definite inferences of accusative andgenitive in Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian","authors":"Halima Husic, A. Renans","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5701","url":null,"abstract":"There is an ongoing discussion in the literature on how (if at all) the definiteness is conveyed in languages which lack the (in)definite article system. One proposal is that in Slavic languages the (in)definite interpretation can be conveyed by case markers (e.g. Kagan, 2007; Khrizman, 2014; Borschev et al, 2008). In particular, the observation was that in the case of accusative/genitive alternation, while accusative is associated with the definite interpretation, the genitive case is associated with the indefinite interpretation. We tested this observation in Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian. The results of our research show that whereas accusative conveys the familiarity of the discourse referent and the quantity of stuff denoted by the NP, the genitive case conveys their unfamiliarity. We argue that the inferences of genitive arise at the presuppositonal level and that the inferences of accusative are derived as anti-presuppositions.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"135 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88465592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A phonological solution to allomorphy in Georgian nominal inflection","authors":"Marcin Fortuna","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5820","url":null,"abstract":"Georgian features three patterns of nominal inflection, which are dependent on the structure of the stem. The stem can be consonantal, vocalic truncating, and vocalic non-truncating, with the consequences for the shape of the inflectional suffixes. However, variants of each individual case suffix differ across the three stem types in unique ways, with no single pattern being used for more than one grammatical case. This could suggest a solution based on traditional allomorph selection from a predefined list of stored forms. The paper argues, however, that a phonological explanation of the pattern is possible when rich autosegmental representations are employed. The analysis is couched within the CVCV model of phonology (Scheer 2004).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"2018 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87791183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Revisiting “verbal agreement”: The case of Israeli Hebrew","authors":"Leon Shor","doi":"10.16995/glossa.7955","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.7955","url":null,"abstract":"This paper questions the adequacy of the notion ‘verbal agreement’ with respect to the inflectional marking of person in verbal paradigms, using Israeli Hebrew (IH) as a case study. With regard to IH, the paper argues against the verbal agreement interpretation of the inflectional affixes of the person-inflected paradigms in general, and against the assumption that third person verbs are not marked for person in particular. Adopting a corpus-based and a synchronic intra-paradigmatic perspective, it is suggested that the inflectional affixes in IH should be treated as referential elements (‘bound pronouns’) that are uniformly marked for person. More broadly, the validity of the concept of verbal agreement is questioned based on its incompatibility with observed cross-linguistic data and its historiographical origin. In this respect, the notion verbal agreement presupposes the primacy/naturalness of a particular clausal format – a bipartite structure in which the lexical subject NP and the predicate are present and morphologically independent. As this presupposition essentially reflects a logico-philosophical perspective of the clause originating in the works of the first Greek grammarians rather than a usage-based linguistic one, it is argued that the term ‘verbal agreement’ is inadequate.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77326970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Cumulative markedness effects and (non-)linearity in phonotactics","authors":"Canaan Breiss, Adam Albright","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5713","url":null,"abstract":"This study uses an Artificial Grammar Learning experiment to test for a synchronic relationship between the severity of an individual phonotactic violation and the linearity of its cumulative interaction with other violations, prompted by previous experimental findings (Albright 2012, Breiss (submitted)). We find that as individual phonotactic patterns are made more exceptionful, their interaction moves from linear to super-linear, and argue that this provides evidence for a non-linear relationship between Harmony and probability. We evaluate five contemporary phonological frameworks using this data, and find that those which incorporate such a non-linear relationship -- Maximum Entropy HG and Noisy HG -- are able to capture the super-linear patterns observed significantly better than other frameworks. Further, we demonstrate that a MaxEnt model provided the same training data as experimental participants exhibits similar emergent super-linear cumulativity, and explore the weighting conditions under which MaxEnt models yield sub-linear, linear, and super-linear cumulativity.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73024335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Hebrew Construct State in an Endocentric Model of the NP","authors":"Benjamin Bruening","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5763","url":null,"abstract":"Ritter (1991) is widely cited as having shown that Hebrew nominals require functional structure like DP and Num(ber)P above the lexical NP (see, e.g., Preminger 2020). I demonstrate here that a very simple analysis is available in a model where the maximal projection of the nominal is a projection of the head N. This analysis posits very little movement and requires few auxiliary assumptions. Most dependents of N are simply base-generated in their surface positions. There is no need for functional projections like DP and NumP, and hence no argument from Hebrew for their existence.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84453226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}