Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics最新文献_第10页

Frozen by context: Pragmatic factors of syntactic freezing 语境冻结:句法冻结的语用因素

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-10-07 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5870

Gouming Martens

{"title":"Frozen by context: Pragmatic factors of syntactic freezing","authors":"Gouming Martens","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5870","url":null,"abstract":"Syntactic freezing has mainly been approached from a structural point of view, recently though, more cognitive approaches in terms of processing costs have been proposed. One such processing account is the additive account. According to this approach, the freezing effect is best explained as an additive effect of two syntactic processes coming together, rather than being a phenomenon on its own. Another processing account argues that the freezing effect is the result of a prosodic garden path according to which extraction can only take place from a prosodically focused constituent. The current study provides empirical evidence for a less discussed factor contributing to the freezing effect, namely a pragmatic one. The pragmatic account requires frozen sentences to have contextually given referents. If no such referent is present, the sentence becomes less acceptable. The need for such a referent comes from the non- default word order associated with frozen sentences, which often highlights/focuses a certain constituent. Several experiments were run to test the pragmatic account. Based on the results it was concluded that pragmatic factors play a significant role in explaining the apparent freezing effects. Other factors however, seem to contribute to this effect as well since this effect cannot be fully explained in terms of pragmatic factors solely.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81388272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Resolving ambiguous polarity stripping ellipsis structures in Persian 解决波斯语歧义极性剥离省略结构

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-10-07 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5881

Vahideh Rasekhi, Jesse A. Harris

{"title":"Resolving ambiguous polarity stripping ellipsis structures in Persian","authors":"Vahideh Rasekhi, Jesse A. Harris","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5881","url":null,"abstract":"Previous studies have shown that English speakers use a range of factors including locality, information structure, and semantic parallelism to interpret clausal ellipsis structures. Yet, the relative importance of each factor is currently underexplored. As cues to information structure and semantic parallelism are often implicit in English, we turned to Persian which marks information structure overtly via word order scrambling and uses the -rā morpheme to indicate definiteness/specificity on direct objects. To determine what strategies Persian speakers use to disambiguate clausal ellipsis, we conducted a naturalness rating study and sentence completion task on polarity stripping structures. Our results show that information structure and parallelism strongly influence correlate resolution in both tasks, but that a weaker preference for a local correlate emerges in scrambling in the sentence completion task. As these results diverge from those obtained in English studies, we speculate that the morphosyntactic properties of Persian constrain the strategies the processer uses in selecting a contrastive correlate and resolving ambiguity in stripping ellipsis.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75804945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Revisiting the configurationality issue in Old Icelandic 重新审视古冰岛语的配置问题

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-10-05 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5804

Hannah Booth

{"title":"Revisiting the configurationality issue in Old Icelandic","authors":"Hannah Booth","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5804","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5804","url":null,"abstract":"The status of Old Icelandic with respect to (argument) configurationality was subject to debate in the early 1990s (e.g. Faarlund 1990; Rögnvaldsson 1995) and remains unresolved. Since this work, further research on a wide range of languages has enhanced our understanding of configurationality, in particular within Lexical Functional Grammar (e.g. Austin & Bresnan 1996; Nordlinger 1998) and syntactically annotated Old Icelandic data are now available (Wallenberg et al. 2011). It is thus fitting to revisit the matter. In this paper, I show that allowing for argument configurationality as a gradient property, and also taking into account discourse configurationality (Kiss 1995) as a further gradient property, can neatly account for word order patterns in this early stage of Icelandic. Specifically, I show that corpus data supports part of the original claim in Faarlund (1990), that Old Icelandic lacks a VP-constituent, thus being somewhat less argument-configurational than the modern language. Furthermore, the observed word order patterns indicate a designated topic position in the postfinite domain, thus reflecting some degree of discourse configurationality at this early stage of the language.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77545362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

The prosody of focus projection: word stress and F0 patterns in Georgian 焦点投射的韵律:格鲁吉亚语单词重音和F0模式

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5733

Lena Borise

{"title":"The prosody of focus projection: word stress and F0 patterns in Georgian","authors":"Lena Borise","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5733","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5733","url":null,"abstract":"Based on experimental evidence, this paper shows that focus projection/percolation – the phenomenon by way of which prosodic prominence on a sub-constituent signals focus on the whole constituent – has a consistent prosodic realization in Georgian. The novelty of these findings lies in two properties of Georgian that have not been explored from the perspective of focus projection: it is a language with a dedicated focus position (linearly immediately preverbal) and one that does not rely on pitch accents in the expression of phrasal prosody (Skopeteas & Féry 2010; 2016). According to focus projection accounts (Selkirk 1984; Cinque 1993; Ladd 1996; Zubizarreta 1998, a. o.), utterances with narrow focus on the direct object are realized in the same way as broad focus utterances, since in all three cases prosodic prominence is realized on the direct object. In contrast, in utterances with narrow focus on the subject, the subject is the most prosodically prominent element, which means that the whole utterance has a different prosodic realization from that of broad focus contexts. This paper shows that the distribution of prosodic prominence in object- and subject-focus contexts in Georgian fits with this generalization. Specifically, the realization of utterances with narrowly focused objects does not differ from broad focus contexts in their F0 patterns and prominence of the stressed syllable, while narrowly focused subjects differ from subjects in broad focus utterances in both of these parameters.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84281101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Case-sensitive plural suppletion in Barguzin Buryat: On case containment, suppletion typology, and competition in morphology 巴尔古津布里亚特的区分大小写的复数补语:关于大小写遏制、补语类型和形态学上的竞争

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5885

Colin Davis, Colin Davis

引用次数: 3

Mood variation with belief predicates: Modal comparison in semantics and the common ground 信念谓词的情绪变化:语义学上的情态比较及其共同点

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-09-25 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5726

A. Mari, P. Portner

{"title":"Mood variation with belief predicates: Modal comparison in semantics and the common ground","authors":"A. Mari, P. Portner","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5726","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5726","url":null,"abstract":"This paper proposes that subjunctive in the complement of belief sen- tences in Italian expresses a relation between the attitude holder’s beliefs and the common ground. In contrast to most other Romance languages, ‘believe’ commonly and prescriptively takes subjunctive in Italian, though indicative is found as well, and as has been observed in the literature, the choice of indicative or subjunctive has semantic effects. We show that the indicative with ‘believe’ is used when the belief statement describes the personal mental state of the holder of the attitude, an interpretation that follows from the traditional Hintikkean semantics. In contrast, we show that subjunctive with ‘believe’ is used to mark a relation between the content of belief and the discourse context. To analyze these facts, we propose that the modal quantification present in attitude reports comes not from the attitude verb, but instead from the embedded verbal mood. What differentiates Italian from related languages where ‘believe’ only takes indicative, is that Italian allows the subjunctive to access the com- mon ground as a modal base, utilizing the verb’s doxastic background as an ordering source. The fact that subjunctive relates the common ground to the subject’s beliefs explains the discourse oriented meaning of this combination. We extend our analysis to several other predicates that show mood variation in Italian.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80178505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 9

Differential object marking in Modern Hebrew: from definiteness to partitivity 现代希伯来语中不同的客体标记:从确定性到可分性

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-09-24 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5729

Aviya Hacohen, O. Kagan, Dana Plaut

{"title":"Differential object marking in Modern Hebrew: from definiteness to partitivity","authors":"Aviya Hacohen, O. Kagan, Dana Plaut","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5729","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the change in differential object marking (DOM) currently exhibited in Modern Hebrew. To date, the consensus in the theoretical literature on Hebrew has been that the object marker 'et' is only licensed in the context of definite DPs. We observe, however, that in Modern Hebrew partitive indefinite DPs may also be preceded by 'et'. Here, we experimentally investigate this change in the distribution of 'et'. Using a judgment task, we asked 41 native Hebrew-speaking adults to rate sentences with 'et'-marked indefinite object DPs on a 5-point acceptability scale. \u0000Our results reveal that partitive items received a considerably high acceptance score, with an overall average of 3.6/5. In addition, we found a main effect for object-position and quantifier-type. In particular, acceptability of 'et'-marked partitives increased significantly for topicalized DPs and for DPs that contained proportional quantifiers (as opposed to cardinals). \u0000These data support the analysis of 'et' as a DOM marker. We propose that Modern Hebrew is currently undergoing a process of change, whereby the distribution of its object marker is shifting in the direction of the Turkish DOM pattern, along the Definiteness Scale proposed by Aissen (2003). Further, the Hebrew facts provide novel evidence for the relevance of this scale not only in a synchronic, but also in a diachronic investigation of DOM. Moreover, they point to a special status of partitivity among specific DPs, suggesting that it should be distinguished as a separate category on the Definiteness Scale.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79575860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

On quantified DPs in Baule 关于《Baule》中的量化DPs

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-09-23 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5707

Yan Konan, G. Puskás

引用次数: 0

Asymmetry and Contrast: Coordination in Sign Language of the Netherlands 不对称与对比:荷兰手语中的协调

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-09-20 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5872

Katharina Hartmann, R. Pfau, Iris Legeland

引用次数: 0

Locality in the acquisition of object A’-dependencies: insights from French 对象A '依赖性习得中的局部性:来自法语的见解

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-09-20 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5876

Stéphanie Durrleman, Anamaria Bentea

{"title":"Locality in the acquisition of object A’-dependencies: insights from French","authors":"Stéphanie Durrleman, Anamaria Bentea","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5876","url":null,"abstract":"Children’s difficulties with dependencies involving movement of an object to the left periphery of the clause (object relative clauses/RCs and wh-questions), have been explained in terms of intervention effects arising when the moved object and the intervening subject share a lexical N feature (Friedmann, Belletti & Rizzi 2009). Such an account raises various questions: (1) Do these effects hold in the absence of a lexical N feature when the object and the intervener share other relevant features? (2) Do phi-features with a semantic role modulate such effects? (3) Does the degree of feature overlap determine a gradience in performance? We addressed these in three sentence-picture matching studies with French-speaking children (4;8 to 6;3), by assessing comprehension of (1) subject and object RCs headed by the demonstrative pronouns celui/celle and matching or mismatching in number; (2) object RCs headed by a lexical N and matching or mismatching in animacy; (3) object who- and which-questions. Our results show that mismatches in number, not in animacy, enhance comprehension of object RCs, even in the absence of a lexical N feature, and confirm previous findings that object who-questions yield better comprehension than object which-questions. Comparing across studies, the following gradation emerges with respect to performance accuracy: disjunction > intersection > inclusion. The global interpretation of these findings is that fine-grained phi-features determining movement are both sufficient and necessary for locality, and the degree of overlap of these features can capture the pattern of performance observed in children, namely higher accuracy as featural differences increase.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88872617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3