Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics最新文献_第7页

Semantic evolution of pre-nominal possessives: A comparative quantitative study of French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian 名前所有格的语义演变:法语、西班牙语、葡萄牙语和意大利语的比较定量研究

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5703

Alexandra Simonenko, A. Carlier

{"title":"Semantic evolution of pre-nominal possessives: A comparative quantitative study of French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian","authors":"Alexandra Simonenko, A. Carlier","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5703","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals with a historical shift in the semantics and morpho-syntax of pre-nominal possessives in Romance languages. Empirically, their evolution follows one of the two main diachronic paths: they either stop co-occurring with determiners (French, Spanish) or, else, start requiring their presence (Portuguese, Italian). Contrary to the common view which associates the first case with a transition from a modifier to a determiner semantics and the second with a retention of a modifier semantics (e.g. Alexiadou 2004), we propose that there is a common semantico-syntactic shift underlying both patterns, the rise of an innovative grammar which parses noun phrases with possessives as relational determiner phrases. The surface difference is accounted for by differences in what role a possessive plays in the spellout: either it serves as an exponent of D in the context of a relational component R (the first group) or as an exponent of R itself (the second group). We argue that this shift is part of a more general switch to a D-grammar, which happens as a consequence of an emerging pressure to morphologically mark existential presupposition at the noun phrase level. The more general change independently manifests itself as the overall rise in the frequency of determiners. On the basis of datasets from historical treebanks of French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian, we compare rates of change in possessive patterns, as well rates of the rise of determiner frequency across Romance.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72533894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Lexical overlap in young sign languages from Guatemala 危地马拉年轻手语的词汇重叠

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-22 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5829

L. Horton

{"title":"Lexical overlap in young sign languages from Guatemala","authors":"L. Horton","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5829","url":null,"abstract":"In communities without older standardized sign languages, deaf people develop their own sign\u0000languages and strategies for communicating. This analysis draws on data from a lexical elicitation task completed by deaf people living in Nebaj, a town in Guatemala. Some deaf\u0000signers in Nebaj have deaf relatives or deaf peers they interact with daily, while others are the only deaf signer in their immediate communicative ecology. This analysis uses the Jaccard\u0000similarity index to quantify lexical overlap at two scales: the wider linguistic community and\u0000local sign ecologies. Signers who interact with other deaf signers have higher rates of lexical overlap with signers from the surrounding community than signers who do not know other deaf\u0000signers. When signers have frequent sustained interactions with the other signers in their\u0000immediate communicative ecology, they have higher rates of overlap within their local ecology\u0000than the wider community. This adds to a growing literature that suggests that interaction is a primary driver of convergence on shared lexical forms within communities of language users.\u0000Unique features of the communicative histories of signers of young sign languages are also\u0000discussed as factors that contribute to variable rates of lexical overlap in this community.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82309595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

Simplex reflexives in Dutch 荷兰语中的单复数反身词

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-22 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5821

H. Broekhuis

引用次数: 1

Lowest theme vowels or highest roots? An ‘unaccusative’ theme-vowel class in Slovenian 最低主音元音还是最高词根?斯洛文尼亚语中的“非宾格”主母音类

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-14 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5809

M. Simonović, Petra Mišmaš

{"title":"Lowest theme vowels or highest roots? An ‘unaccusative’ theme-vowel class in Slovenian","authors":"M. Simonović, Petra Mišmaš","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5809","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on the e/i theme vowel class of verbs in Slovenian to bring together two seemingly unrelated debates; (i) the debate on the status of derivational affixes as roots within the framework of Distributed Morphology and (ii) the debate on the correlation between theme vowel classes with certain argument structures in Slavic. Focusing on Slovenian, our core data will come from active l-participles that are used adjectivally as an unaccusativity diagnostic. We take these l-participles to create a list of 109 unaccusative verbs. We show that (i) no unaccusative verbs belong to the two largest theme vowel classes in Slovenian (a/a and i/i), whereas (ii) the two big theme vowel classes tend to get accusative arguments quite frequently. Most importantly, (iii) the e/i-class stands out since more than one half of the unaccusative sample falls into. The e/i-class is furthermore the only theme vowel class whose theme vowel surfaces in adjectival l-participles, the theme vowel class to which inchoatives belong and behaves uniformly with respect to stress. Based on the uniform behavior of the e/i-class which sets it apart from other theme vowel-classes, we will argue that the vowel of this class is better analyzed as a root.\u0000\u0000","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90020117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Mechanisms of sub-phonemic change in prescriptive bilingualism: The case of Mexican Plautdietsch 规定性双语中次音位变化的机制:以墨西哥普劳迪契为例

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-12 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5744

Roslyn Burns

{"title":"Mechanisms of sub-phonemic change in prescriptive bilingualism: The case of Mexican Plautdietsch","authors":"Roslyn Burns","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5744","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5744","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the relationship between loanword adaptation and phonological borrowing by looking at the Mexican Plautdietsch speech community. Plautdietsch borrowings from Mexican Spanish sometimes undergo loanword adaptation to fit the native phonological system (e.g. Spanish [peso] > Plautdietsch [pəɪzo] 'peso'), but some community members exhibit a borrowed pattern of deaffrication that targets native lexical items (e.g. [dit͡ʃ ]) 'German' > [diʃ]). I show that the output of /t͡ʃ/ deaffrication in Mexican Plautdietsch follows the phonological pattern of northern Mexican Spanish deaffrication, rather than an inherited pattern that adapts loanwords from High German and Russian. I propose that while some mechanisms of phonetic and phonological interpretation are similar for both loanword adaptation and phonological borrowing, the novel Mexican Spanish pattern could have only entered the community due to the unique structure of phonological representation associated with advanced bilingualism. This prediction is borne out in the social distribution of deaffrication wherein men, who are expected to become advanced bilinguals, exhibit the innovation more than women. By adding a dimension of phonological representation to our models of loanword adaptation, we can expand the model's behavior to also account for outcomes involving the restructuring of the heritage language.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73005539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Internally-headed and doubly-headed relatives in Japanese -- How are they related to each other? 日语中的内头和双头亲属——它们是如何相互关联的?

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2022-01-12 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5743

C. Kitagawa, Shigeru Miyagawa

引用次数: 0

French missing object constructions 法语缺失宾语结构

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-12-24 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.6478

Gabrielle Aguila-Multner, Berthold Crysmann

{"title":"French missing object constructions","authors":"Gabrielle Aguila-Multner, Berthold Crysmann","doi":"10.16995/glossa.6478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.6478","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses a class of French à-infinitival constructions, where the missing direct object corresponds to an external argument, either being the antecedent noun in an attributive use, or else a raised argument in a subject or object predication or in the tough construction. We investigate the internal and external properties of these constructions and show that (i) the construction displays passive-like properties and (ii) control and raising verbs may intervene between the marker à and the missing object verb, as shown on the basis of a corpus study. We observe that while the construction as a whole behaves like a passive where the erstwhile logical object ends up being promoted to external argument, the logical subject is still accessible for control, both from within the à-infinitive and from outside. Building on Grover (1995), we analyse these double subjects by way of a two-step passivisation, where the direct object valency is lexically promoted to subject without concomitant subject demotion. Raising of the missing object as a secondary subject will make it available on the marker à, which finally promotes it to external argument, thereby completing the passivisation effect. The present analysis thus captures the full set of à-infinitival missing object constructions in a unified fashion, capturing its passive-like properties and the extended domain of locality.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82937665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Not only size matters: limits to the Law of Three Consonants in French phonology 法语音韵学中三个辅音定律的限制不仅仅是大小问题

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5882

Benjamin Storme

{"title":"Not only size matters: limits to the Law of Three Consonants in French phonology","authors":"Benjamin Storme","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5882","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5882","url":null,"abstract":"Grammont’s (1914) influential Law of Three Consonants (LTC) states that French schwa is obligatorily pronounced in any CC_C sequence to avoid three-consonant clusters. Later works have shown that schwa presence is also sensitive to the nature of the consonants involved, at least at the word and phrase levels. However the LTC is still generally considered as accurate under its original formulation to describe schwa-zero alternations at the stem level. The goal of the paper is to test whether the LTC should be relaxed even in this context. The paper presents two studies using judgment data to compare the behavior of schwa in derived words (stem-level phonology) and in inflected words (word-level phonology). The results of the two studies show that the nature of consonants involved in the CC_C sequence plays a role at both stem and word levels. Moreover, the same phonotactic asymmetries among consonant clusters are found in both contexts. The data therefore support a weaker version of the stem-level vs. word-level divide than what is usually assumed for French. This conclusion is strengthened by the results of a modeling study showing that a constraint-based grammar with the same phonotactic constraints across stem- and word-level phonologies provides a better fit to the judgment data from Study 1 and Study 2 than a grammar with different phononotactic constraints in the two morphosyntactic domains. The paper also replicates a number of earlier findings on the role of morphosyntactic domains, clash avoidance, and dialectal variation in schwa-zero alternations.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78434524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Quoi-sluices in French 法语是Quoi-sluices

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-12-16 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5793

Megan Gotowski

{"title":"Quoi-sluices in French","authors":"Megan Gotowski","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5793","url":null,"abstract":"Sluicing has traditionally been analyzed as an operation involving wh-movement and deletion (Merchant 2001). French is a language that has both fronted and wh-in situ strategies; on the surface, however, it seems that French sluices do not involve (overt) movement, in spite of this being an available option. For nearly all wh-words, the in situ and moved forms are the same; the exception is que/quoi ‘what’— que is found in fronted wh-questions alone, while quoi is found in situ. In sluicing, only quoi surfaces, suggesting that French may be a challenge for the movement-and-deletion approach (Dagnac 2019).\u0000By formalizing an analysis within a late insertion approach to the syntax-morphology interface, I argue that not only do sluices in French involve full structure, but that they involve movement as well. I assume that the wh-word is initially represented in the syntactic derivation as an abstract feature bundle. The morphological form is determined in the mapping of syntax to morphology by locality-dependent Vocabulary Insertion (VI) rules that are sensitive to C. These rules apply only after ellipsis occurs. Following Thoms (2010), I argue that C is targeted in sluicing, and as a result destroys the context that would trigger que. This analysis is able to capture sluicing in French, while explaining the behavior of quoi more generally.\u0000","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87109180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

(In)felicitous use of subjects in Greek and Spanish in monolingual and contact settings 在单语和接触环境中恰当地使用希腊语和西班牙语的主题

IF 1 2区文学

Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-12-15 DOI: 10.16995/glossa.5812

A. Giannakou, Ioanna Sitaridou

引用次数: 2