{"title":"How Canada's Indo-Pacific strategy conflicts with ASEAN's outlook on the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Shaun Narine","doi":"10.1177/00207020231175876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231175876","url":null,"abstract":"Despite giving lip service to the importance of respecting the “centrality” of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Canada's Indo-Pacific strategy (CIPS) conflicts with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). Instead, Canada defines its position in the Indo-Pacific through the lens of American priorities and perspectives. For its part, the AOIP expresses an ASEAN consensus position but fails to capture the highly complex and varied views of different ASEAN states toward the US and China. The ASEAN states are status-quo powers navigating a region that is undergoing profound strategic and economic changes. By allying itself so firmly with the US, Canada participates in sowing tension in the Indo-Pacific and may face potential consequences in the longer term. CIPS allows little room for the complex regional relations that the ASEAN states are trying to balance.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"172 - 192"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45659214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"In search of a Canadian Middle East policy: A look at past approaches","authors":"Susan Khazaeli","doi":"10.1177/00207020231175684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231175684","url":null,"abstract":"Public debate about Canada's role in the Middle East is divided between two camps. One camp contends that Canadian foreign policy should return to its Pearsonian roots, in which Canada plays the role of a dispassionate but honest broker. The other holds that Canada's foreign policy should be defined by high-minded principles. The disagreement is over norms, not interests. This paper refers to two former Prime Ministers who roughly embody the two schools of thought on Canada's foreign and defense policy in the Middle East: Lester B. Pearson and Stephen Harper. Contrary to conventional wisdom that Harper was a realist and Pearson, a Pearsonian, the paper demonstrates that Pearson pursued a realist foreign policy that advances Canada's national security interests whereas Harper was guided by a values-based neo-conservative ideology.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"108 - 126"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49107215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"George Ignatieff: A feisty disarmament diplomat in the Cold War era","authors":"Paul Meyer","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178924","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178924","url":null,"abstract":"George Ignatieff had a long and distinguished diplomatic career, but only his last posting to the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva (1969–1972) enabled him to focus on the existential threat posed by weapons of mass destruction and what could be done through arms control and disarmament to avoid a nuclear Armageddon. He was adept at maneuvering within the limits available to middle powers during the Cold War. Ignatieff was ahead of his time in proposing a professionalization of the policy development process for Canada, and in suggesting means to bridge the gap between bureaucratic and political institutions in defining security policy. Several of his ideas would be realized only years afterwards. Throughout his life he was “indefatigable in his work for peace and international security,” and his contribution to disarmament diplomacy merits renewed attention as the world enters another period of nuclear threats.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"263 - 279"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48385702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Moving beyond the sanctuary paradigm: Canada must face up to the reality of a contested and dangerous space environment","authors":"Patrick Perron","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178394","url":null,"abstract":"This article outlines historical shifts in US and Canadian space policies using the sanctuary-contested policy framework. It highlights how sanctuary policies were born out of necessity rather than the pursuit of a peaceful global commons; they were never intended to, and did not, prevent the militarization and weaponization of space. The paper then describes challenges to global space governance and argues that diplomacy will not prevent conflicts in space. After introducing elements of deterrence theory, this paper concludes that Canada should move beyond the sanctuary ideology, make space a national whole-of-government issue, and align its space policy and strategy with allies and partners, credibly communicating Canada's resolve to protect and defend space assets. It further recommends that Canada develop niche capabilities that contribute to more effective national and collective deterrence and defence in space. Those capabilities should build upon existing niche strengths, not create space debris, and leverage industrial innovation in space.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"147 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41339749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"International arms trade and transfers: Rising producers, advanced technology, and adapting regulations","authors":"Layton J. Mandle, F. Pearson","doi":"10.1177/00207020231179054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231179054","url":null,"abstract":"The end of the Cold War era has ushered in a century in which great military powers like the US, China, and Russia continue to dominate the arms trade, yet minor powers are also investing heavily in arms manufacturing and technologies and profiting from lucrative arms transfers. Changes in the arms trade have fostered cooperative international regulatory practices and agreements, but recent conflicts in Yemen, Syria, Libya, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Ukraine highlight the need for strong end-use monitoring, post-shipment verification, and international accountability for dubious trade deals. This study analyzes changes in top arms producers, new complexities in arms regulation due to advancing technologies and artificial intelligence, arms-control policies of international organizations and top arms producers, and the risks of poor regulation.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"60 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41857542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Publication of foreigners’ human rights abuses and retaliation between Convention Against Torture (CAT) states","authors":"Sara Kahn Nisser","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178390","url":null,"abstract":"Institutions that monitor violations of human rights, particularly of victims living outside their home countries, will often name the victims’ countries of origin in their reports. This article looks at this understudied practice and argues that it unintentionally creates bilateral retaliation dynamics between the victims’ home country and the country violating the victims’ rights. The article defines retaliation and explains why countries care about violations of their citizens’ rights that take place abroad. Through empirical analysis, the article shows that countries retaliate in response to violations of their citizens’ rights which have been identified and publicized by the UN Committee Against Torture. I use a new dyadic dataset on the abuse of foreigners’ human rights, as identified by Amnesty International and the Committee Against Torture, to test the hypothesis that a country's abuse of foreigners from a peer country is associated with that peer country's abuse of rights of citizens from the observed country. I then examine the Syrian–Lebanese case to trace the process of retaliation. These analyses support the hypothesis that countries retaliate against violations of their citizens’ rights abroad.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"87 - 107"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49285913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Is Nagorno-Karabakh no longer a frozen conflict zone after the 2020 war?","authors":"Selim Kurt, Göktürk Tüysüzoğlu","doi":"10.1177/00207020231179048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231179048","url":null,"abstract":"The term “frozen conflict,” which is used to describe identity-based conflicts in former Soviet republics, characterizes a situation whereby neither war nor peace exists between the conflicting parties. The most important of these conflict areas is Nagorno-Karabakh, located in the South Caucasus. As the conflict in the 1990s could not be resolved through negotiations, war broke out again in September 2020. Under the ceasefire protocol signed in November 2020 following the war, Azerbaijan has largely succeeded in liberating its occupied territories around Nagorno-Karabakh. As it is claimed that the occupied territories of Azerbaijan have been completely liberated, this situation raises the question of whether the problem is no longer a frozen conflict. However, when the protocol is considered in relation to the concept's definition, we see that the problem remains a frozen conflict.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"41 - 59"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46783070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A capital critique: Progressive alternatives to neo-liberal economic order","authors":"Van Jackson","doi":"10.1177/00207020231179969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231179969","url":null,"abstract":"Advocates of progressive political economy agree that the neo-liberal economic order has worsened environmental degradation, worker precarity, and oligarchy, but what are the alternatives? This article relates left-progressive discourses about concrete approaches and policy ideas to implications for the global economic order. While progressives explicitly seek a more social democratic global order, the various policy initiatives in the progressive imaginary implicitly involve approaches to order-building that are in scarcely acknowledged competition with one another. While neo-Keynesianism, justice for the Global South, a Global Green New Deal, and degrowth are all anti–neo-liberal approaches that pursue the same broad aims—reducing inequality within the Global North, raising standards of living and buffering structural violence in the Global South, and responding to the climate crisis—these goals potentially exhibit the tensions of a trilemma.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"212 - 231"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49050823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Populism and international affairs: The case of Spain","authors":"Philip Giurlando","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178393","url":null,"abstract":"Populists in southern Europe and potentially beyond display a distinctive understanding of international relations, such as the belief that national or the “people's” sovereignty must be the main organizing principle of international affairs, a preference for a multipolar world, suspicion of multilateral governance institutions, and sympathy toward Russia and/or China. This phenomenon represents a potentially fruitful domain for scholarly inquiry to answer questions such as: what are some of the ontological features of populism and how are these elements connected to patterns of foreign policy preferences? This essay aims to provide tentative answers to these questions with a focus on Spain.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"232 - 242"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47070846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Left, but how left? Analyzing the foreign policy of the New Democratic Party of Canada","authors":"James Collie","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178922","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178922","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the modern foreign policy of the New Democratic Party of Canada (NDP). It uses the framework of Aaron Ettinger's work in the International Journal on an emerging left-wing in the US Democratic Party. I first situate the research within the existing literature on leftist internationalism, Canadian foreign policy, and the New Democratic Party. I then analyze a dataset that I created based on the last five NDP federal election platforms and use it to analyze 210 different foreign policy commitments. I use these findings to argue two things: (1) the NDP has a comprehensive foreign policy that reflects dual struggles of electability and left-wing ideals; (2) there is no identifiable left-wing turn in recent NDP platforms. I conclude this article with a discussion on the future of NDP foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"193 - 211"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49104608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}