{"title":"Populism and the China question: implications for EU foreign policymaking","authors":"Anastas Vangeli","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00763-y","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00763-y","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper explores how rising European populism affects EU-China relations after the 2024 elections. It maps the ideological diversity of populist actors, identifies plausible 2025–2029 pathways, and sets out targeted actions for EU policymakers to engage populist actors with the goal to improve EU’s strategic coherence and firmness, and paradoxically, bring it closer to what many Europeans prioritize.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 4","pages":"519 - 533"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00763-y.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145800007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Transportation costs and financial development in the Asia–Pacific: A CS-ARDL approach to macroeconomic interdependencies","authors":"Atteq Ur Rehman, Nabila Khurshid, Mudassar Rashid","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00761-0","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00761-0","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper examines the transportation cost cogency and financial development among the selected countries in the Asia–Pacific continent — including Bangladesh, India, China, Pakistan, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand over the span of years 1990–2022. To solve the problem of possible non-homogeneity in regard to the slope of the coefficient and consider the Cross Section dependence test, the long-run dynamics were estimated through the CS-ARDL (Cross Sectional Autoregressive Distributed Lag) model. Additional estimation methods, such as FMOLS (Fully Modified Least Squares) and DOLS (Dynamic Ordinary Least Squares), were analyzed to check the robustness of the obtained results of CS-ARDL in support of their validity. The findings indicated the consistent and positive linkage among the cost of transport and financial growth. In addition to that, Foreign Direct Investment and Gross Capital Formation also affected the development of finance positively, but we also found unfavorable effects of trade openness, inflation, and real interest rates. These results demonstrate the importance of having a complete transport infrastructure, such as road, rail, air, and maritime infrastructure, in enhancing the improvement of the fiscal division or financial markets and establishing the effectiveness of Trade. The research also indicates that the concept of the PPP (Public Private Partnership) can assist in maintaining the investments in the infrastructure and reducing fiscal accountability. The enhancement of regional integration and market access was also identified to stimulate the development forces of capital investment and foreign inflows, which then ultimately led to the financial advancement in the Asia–Pacific region.</p><h3>Graphical Abstract</h3>\u0000<div><figure><div><div><picture><source><img></source></picture><span>The alternative text for this image may have been generated using AI.</span></div></div></figure></div></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"24 2","pages":"541 - 569"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148193818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Analyzing Türkiye’s strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific: opportunities and challenges in the European Union context","authors":"Gürol Baba, Hatice Çelik","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00758-9","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00758-9","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Indo-Pacific region, encompassing the Indian and Pacific Oceans, marks a significant shift from the Asia–Pacific focus to a broader, interconnected strategic zone. This shift reflects the rising complexity of global power dynamics, notably China’s challenge to US supremacy, and the region’s critical role in global maritime trade. The strategic landscape of the Indo-Pacific is characterized by a diverse array of key actors—including China, India, Japan, and the USA—each pursuing distinct strategies and visions. This has resulted in a volatile mix of cooperation and contention, further complicated by the region’s economic and strategic prominence. The ASEAN and IORA frameworks highlight the need for nuanced, multilateral approaches to the region’s challenges. The EU engagement, which evolved from a narrow Asia–Pacific focus to a broader strategy, underscores a key dilemma: despite the 2021 Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific demonstrating an intent to wield both soft and hard power, internal EU divisions hinder a unified policy. Similarly, Türkiye’s “Asia Anew” initiative has been conceptually and practically inadequate, complicating its Indo-Pacific engagement. Despite strained EU-Türkiye relations, Türkiye’s pivot to a broader Asian strategy requires strategic recalibration. This analysis argues that despite challenges in Ankara-Brussels engagements, the EU has a strategic opportunity to help Türkiye refine its initiative through an Indo-Pacific approach, fostering regional integration. By leveraging collaborative projects and enhancing diplomatic engagement with Türkiye, the EU can address strategic and economic challenges in the region while potentially bridging its internal divergences with broader regional imperatives.\u0000</p>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"24 on","pages":"107 - 123"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147607329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Asia in flux: network power, new regionalism, and global development","authors":"Hong Liu, Chen Li, Guanie Lim","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00759-8","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00759-8","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This article introduces the special issue titled ‘Asia in flux: network power, new regionalism, and global development’. Alongside the other 13 articles, it examines the dynamics of Asian regionalisation through three interlinked themes: trade/production regimes, financial flows, and sociocultural networks. The collective message is that industrial upgrading across the region is rarely automatic, and very few economies have fully overcome the unequal terms of exchange imposed by more advanced nations. Financial flows, from foreign direct investment to infrastructure loans, offer both opportunities and challenges, often exposing domestic economies to the strategic agendas of major powers. Sociocultural assemblages, in various forms, mediate these political-economic forces, in turn shaping the winners and losers of region-building. Taken together, these articles provide a nuanced lens for understanding Asia’s past and ongoing regionalisation, offering insights into the complex interplay of forces shaping the region’s future.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"229 - 237"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00759-8.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Julie Yu-Wen Chen, Monique Taylor, Alfred Gerstl, Kristina Kironska
{"title":"The challenges of Sino-Russian alignment to the liberal international order in Southeast Asia","authors":"Julie Yu-Wen Chen, Monique Taylor, Alfred Gerstl, Kristina Kironska","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00755-y","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00755-y","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper explores the challenges of Sino-Russian alignment to liberal international order (LIO) in the Indo-Pacific, with a focus on Southeast Asia. Rather than being based upon common interests or values, the alignment between Russian and Chinese interests is pragmatic and expedient in the context of contemporary international affairs. China is traditionally an important player in Southeast Asia, while Russia lacks significant strategic presence and influence in this region despite pursuing a range of energy and economic interests, for example, Russia remains Southeast Asia’s leading arms supplier. Russia’s calculus in the Indo-Pacific, and particularly in Southeast Asia is neither bound nor framed by Sino-Russian relations. However, due to the emergence of strategic competition as the defining feature of contemporary international order, Russia and China’s expedient alignment could pose challenges to the LIO in Southeast Asia. To investigate these challenges, this paper provides an overview of China and Russia’s respective relationship with Southeast Asian countries, using the cases of Vietnam, the Philippines, Myanmar, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Through the responses of these countries and ASEAN to the South China Sea dispute and the Russia-Ukraine War, the complex implications of Sino-Russian alignment for the LIO in Southeast Asia will be revealed and discussed.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"24 on","pages":"125 - 139"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00755-y.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147606572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The European Union’s investment screening framework and China—a complicated picture","authors":"Tamás Peragovics, Ágnes Szunomár","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00757-w","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00757-w","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper is focused on the inception of the European Union’s investment screening regime and the operation of the EU’s screening mechanism as gleaned from the European Commission’s annual reports. We first demonstrate that political discussions in Europe on the need for a screening mechanism were informed by a number of high-profile projects with Chinese involvement in the mid-2010s. While these were the primary impetus toward the creation of a screening regime, we then show that Chinese investments do not feature disproportionately in light of the EC’s annual reports, and the landscape of the EU’s investment market has remained largely unchanging in recent years. We conclude that the decrease of interest by Chinese investors may be due to multiple factors rather than simply to a stricter investment environment in Europe and that the image of a threatening China is useful for rationalizing regulatory innovation in the EU. This latter also indicates that the EU is out of patience for China to render its market more welcoming toward European investors and instead chooses to restrict China’s access to its own market.\u0000</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 4","pages":"479 - 487"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00757-w.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145800009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The many faces of the Chinese Communist Party’s outreach in Europe","authors":"Julia Bader, Christine Hackenesch","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00754-z","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00754-z","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>One influential actor that has been largely overlooked in European debates on China as a ‘systemic rival’ is the Chinese Communist Party’s International Department (CCP-ID). Building on a comprehensive dataset that allows us to trace China’s international party cooperation since the early 2000s, we not only investigate the CCP-ID’s networking activities across Europe but also zoom in on the CCP-ID’s engagement in the Czech Republic, Germany, and the UK. The main purpose of the CCP-ID is to foster elite networks and to build personal relationships. By identifying and mobilising individuals who will ‘speak in favour of China’ in domestic political debates within Europe or who publicly endorse China’s positions in Chinese media, the CCP-ID seeks to provide the CCP with external legitimacy. It is the great flexibility in the CCP’s strategies and instruments and the many faces of its activities that make it a potent player in Sino-European relations to which policymakers and academics alike should pay more attention.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"24 2","pages":"331 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00754-z.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"148193776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The risks of continuity—pitfalls of the EU’s policy stance on China after the European elections of 2024","authors":"Frank Gaenssmantel","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00752-1","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00752-1","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This policy paper takes stock of post-election trends in the EU’s China policy, assessing them against the backdrop of experiences of EU-China interaction across the past decade and in view of the prospects they bear for EU-China relations over the next few years. Since the elections, the European Parliament has strengthened its criticism of China’s human rights record and its explicit EU support for Taiwan, while the incoming Commissioners tend to highlight China’s role as a competitor and rival to the EU, with a focus on specific instances of problematic and unfair behaviour on its part. The paper argues that past experience suggests that Beijing is generally ready to engage and negotiate on specific grievances, especially when they are in the economic or technical sphere. By contrast, policies that are seen as violating Chinese sovereignty are met with strong rhetorical rebuttal and often harsh countermeasures. Since it is not imaginable for the EU to abandon a critical engagement with China in the normative sphere, the paper recommends strategies for defusing related rhetoric while developing a proactive agenda of pragmatic engagement, both with regard to economic interests and issues of international governance. Especially with a more hostile US administration under Trump II, it will be crucial for the EU to develop solid ties with China.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 4","pages":"535 - 548"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00752-1.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145800000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A complex challenge: how China shapes Japan’s security partnership with the EU","authors":"Elena Atanassova-Cornelis","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00753-0","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00753-0","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Since the 1990s, Japan and the European Union (EU) have steadily broadened their bilateral relationship beyond the economic and trade areas. The conclusion of a Security and Defence Partnership in November 2024 marked a further major step forward in the bilateral relations. Japan’s evolving security partnership with the EU is driven by the rapidly changing regional and global strategic environment in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the intensifying USA-China rivalry under the second Donald J. Trump administration. Shared Japan-EU concerns over the erosion of the rules-based international order, supply chain vulnerabilities, and technological dependencies have fostered closer bilateral cooperation. As a result, China’s rise has become a key factor behind the strengthening of Japan’s security partnership with the EU, reflecting the complexity of Japan’s geopolitical and geoeconomic uncertainties in times of global power shifts.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 4","pages":"573 - 581"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145800005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Back to the Cold War era in-betweenness: Italy’s China strategy in the context of the Indo-Pacific framework","authors":"Beatrice Gallelli, Marco Zappa","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00749-w","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00749-w","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Over the past few years, Italy-China relations have been dominated by the debate over Italy’s first embracing and then leaving the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), for which Italy was the only G7 country to join the China-led project and then the first and only country to leave it. A combination of diplomatic factors, including Rome’s alignment with the US and NATO in the context of the Russia-Ukraine war and the Italian presidency of the G7, has decisively contributed to reorienting Rome’s foreign policy and abandoning the controversial MoU with Beijing. Following the EU’s official approach to China, the government led by the far-right Brothers of Italy party has adopted a mixed approach towards Beijing. Therefore, its departure from the BRI has been accompanied by the promotion of the idea of a years-long strategic partnership between the two countries through a series of high-profile visits to Beijing, including those by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni in July and President Sergio Mattarella in November 2024. Nonetheless, Italy’s pragmatic approach towards China is part of Rome’s wider repositioning within the EU’s Indo-Pacific strategy framework. Interestingly, whilst Meloni was in Beijing, the Italian navy flagship Cavour aircraft carrier strike group was cruising towards the Pacific, via the Indian Ocean, for a series of port calls and joint exercises along with partners such as the USA, Japan and Australia. In light of the above, this paper argues that the recent development of Italy-China relations and Italy’s “partial” backing of the US’s Indo-Pacific strategy appears as a newly brushed Cold War era “in-betweenness”.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 4","pages":"497 - 507"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145800008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}