{"title":"Who is closerto whom? Exploring communication networks of EU delegation and its member states’ embassies in China","authors":"Li Zhang, Shujun Jiang, Xi Luo","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00730-7","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00730-7","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>How difficult is the EU to speak in one voice, especially in this digital age? This study uses social network analysis to explore the digital public diplomacy of the EU and its Member States (MS) through their social media activities on Chinese Weibo. It finds that the EU Delegation’s identity as a group leader is recognized by most member states, but generally, it has a weak coordinating role and lacks conversation with the third-country entities. Social identity theory and its extended model are employed to interpret the community formation of the EU and its MS’s communication network, especially how they interchange between an individual country, an EU membership identity, an intragroup identity, and a group identity. The study reveals that most EU MS play a more independent role in their digital public diplomacy activities in China rather than as a member of the Union, and the status of key members, such as France and Germany, is not inferior to that of the EU Delegation at all in the European intragroup in terms of as an information hub. This potentially would weaken the EU actorness at the global level once their voices are different from that of the EU.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"151 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Bangladesh amidst great power competition: when middle power meets economic statecraft","authors":"Ariful Haque, Qinrou Zhou, Chengwei Xu","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00729-0","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00729-0","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Bangladesh, strategically positioned at the crossroads of South Asia and Southeast Asia, has emerged as a focal point for major global powers such as China, India, Japan, and the USA. The interaction of these nations with Bangladesh not only signifies the region’s economic potential but also unveils the complex geopolitical dynamics in action. China’s Belt and Road Initiative has notably expanded its influence in Bangladesh, while India, with historical ties and geographical proximity, plays a critical role in trade, security, and regional stability. Japan and Bangladesh elevated their previous comprehensive partnership to a strategic partnership in 2023. Simultaneously, the USA maintains a longstanding status as the country’s largest export market and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) source. Drawing from the literature on middle power and economic statecraft, this paper sheds light on how Bangladesh navigates the complex dynamics of global geopolitics as a middle power in South Asia. Applying trade, FDI, and Official Development Assistance (ODA) data from 2010 to 2022, our findings suggest that Bangladesh strategically balances the presence of these major powers to safeguard its interests, with their engagements showing more complementarity than competition.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"327 - 348"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Assessing the economic impact of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership: a dynamic GTAP analysis Global and regional benefits of RCEP","authors":"Yanmei Wang, Wenying Yan","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00728-1","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00728-1","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Ten-member countries formally submitted their ratifications, reaching the activation threshold for the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the largest global free trade agreement, which officially came into effect for these nations on 1 January 2022. Our study combines macroeconomic forecasts with policy impact assessments, utilizing the GTAP model and dynamic recursive methodologies to predict the impact of RCEP’s implementation on its member countries and the global economy. Our findings reveal the following: (1) The countries benefiting most from RCEP’s enactment are Japan, Australia, New Zealand, Vietnam, and Thailand. (2) In the short term, RCEP benefits ratifying nations, whereas non-effective ratifying and non-member countries experience varying economic losses. (3) However, over the long term, the economic spillover effects of RCEP are projected to foster global economic development, enhance social welfare, and increase global trade. Based on these conclusions, China and Southeast Asia should expedite the integration of the “Belt and Road” initiative with RCEP, tightly interlinking with the regional industrial and supply chains within the RCEP area to enhance the competitiveness of domestic industries and enterprises.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"209 - 227"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Vietnam’s growing economic integration with the world: more or less Asian?","authors":"Guanie Lim, Chengwei Xu, Dang Thai Binh","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00726-3","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00726-3","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper analyzes Vietnam’s growing economic integration with the rest of the world, illustrating its changing position in global investment and trade amidst recent US-China geopolitical competition, in addition to longer-term supply chain reorientation. Examining longitudinal data on foreign direct investment (FDI) and trade over the past two decades, the paper makes three arguments. First, the East Asian economies have collectively emerged as significant providers of FDI to Vietnam. In particular, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Japan, Korea, and Taiwan have challenged and even usurped the EU and the USA, especially in the wake of the 2008 global economic crisis. This also suggests Vietnam’s tighter integration into what is loosely termed “Factory Asia.” Second, Vietnam has indeed become a “connector economy” interlinking the US and Chinese economies. Vietnam’s imports are heavily dependent on key Northeast Asian economies, particularly China, while its exports are largely driven by demand from the US market. Our analysis demonstrates Vietnam’s conformance to the “supply in East, consume in West” model that earlier regional industrializers adopted in their high-growth era. Third, Vietnam’s openness towards FDI has indirectly stunted its domestic technological advancement. FDI has largely been directed towards export-oriented industries that are usually enclaved, resulting in modest linkages with Vietnam’s domestic firms. Bypassed by such FDI, Vietnamese firms primarily operate in cosseted industries like real estate, retail, and other services, with meager involvement in export and long-term capability building.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"435 - 456"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Geger Riyanto, Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia, Rini Astuti, La Husen Zuada, Ahmad Hidayat, Inaya Rakhmani
{"title":"Various visions of the industrialized future: anxiety, aspiration, and Chinese nickel investment in Indonesia","authors":"Geger Riyanto, Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia, Rini Astuti, La Husen Zuada, Ahmad Hidayat, Inaya Rakhmani","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00727-2","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00727-2","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper, which examines the affective landscape created by Chinese nickel investment in Indonesia, seeks to better understand how actors at various scales and networks respond to China’s global rise. While state-centered perspectives dominated analyses of responses to China’s global action, we want to unpack Indonesians’ anxious and hopeful reactions across multiple fragmented but interconnected contexts. The majority of the involved actors, whether national, regional, or local, associate Chinese investment with the nickel industrialization project. Nonetheless, each actor, standing on a different scale and network in front of the project, has their own set of interests and visions for their future with it. National policymakers are establishing it as a symbol of national development success, while others on a national scale are criticizing it, citing how it marginalizes local communities and destroys their environments. On the other hand, local communities and workers are readjusting to industrialization in ways that betray their national actors’ expectations, envisioning their everyday future with the presence of a new giant bringing opportunities and uncertainties.\u0000</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"369 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"From Indo-Pacific back to Euro-Atlantic? The Ukraine War and the EU’s strategic reorientation","authors":"Xianbai Ji","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00725-4","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00725-4","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The paper examines the European Union’s (EU) nascent Indo-Pacific strategy, highlighting the significant influence of the Ukraine War on Brussels’ policy direction in the vast region extending across the Indian and Pacific oceans. Since the end of the Cold War, the EU’s focus was predominantly on a narrowly defined Asia, but this has expanded under the influence of key member states like France, Germany, and the Netherlands to include the broader Indo-Pacific region. The 2021 EU Indo-Pacific strategy covers sustainability, green transition, digital governance, and regional security, but it faces varying priorities among member states and external geopolitical changes. Crucially, the Ukraine War has redirected the EU’s focus and resources towards urgent issues in Eastern Europe, thereby negatively impacting its engagement in the Indo-Pacific. This ongoing shift is primarily driven by immediate security concerns arising from the crisis, alongside a recalibrated stance on China and diplomatic fissure with key partners such as India. Furthermore, the EU’s renewed reliance on economic diplomacy has shown limitations in addressing the complex security landscape of the Indo-Pacific. Thus, while the Ukraine War underscores the importance of maintaining a rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific, the EU’s ability to uphold this order is increasingly constrained by the war in Ukraine.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"24 on","pages":"151 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147607330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cooperative or clubbish? AUKUS order-engineering and EU normative power in the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Sarah Tzinieris, Zeno Leoni, Mauro Bonavita","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00723-6","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00723-6","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This article draws on the concept of “orders of exclusion” to analyze the strategic rationale of AUKUS and the implications of the trilateral security pact for the Indo-Pacific. Taking a world order approach, the article argues that by embodying the core Anglosphere group of nations and by allowing only a limited form of technology collaboration with outsiders, there is a risk that AUKUS is perceived by regional states as an exclusionary framework, which as a consequence could undermine its legitimacy. The article also argues that AUKUS is part of a broader effort of geostrategic order-engineering by Washington to update the liberal order in a way that ensures continued American primacy in the Indo-Pacific. The article further reflects on how the European Union is a traditional advocate of normative power and the rules-based order, and thus considers how the bloc might potentially cooperate with the AUKUS partners to create more regional legitimacy, albeit that ultimately such external actors can only ever operate an exclusive order in the Indo-Pacific. Despite the Anglosphere nations and the EU cultivating different visions for the Indo-Pacific, recent developments like Russia’s war in Ukraine and the EU’s recent “principled pragmatism” are serving to enhance cohesion within the Western bloc. Still, this is a fragile construction, now under severe pressure with the arrival of President Trump.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"24 on","pages":"57 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00723-6.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147606495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rethinking Sino-Japanese competition: the diffusion of economic statecraft","authors":"Karl Yan, Jing Su","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been one of the primary vehicles through which China exports its infrastructure and developmental standards. China’s expanding ambitions to become an international standard-setter compelled a Japanese response. Shinzo Abe’s government has initiated strategies such as the Partnership for Quality Infrastructure. This paper juxtaposes the Chinese and Japanese approaches to securing their position in the global governance of infrastructure finance, with a particular focus on the high-speed railway industry. It posits that economic statecraft has diffused from Japan to China and then back to Japan. In emulating Chinese economic statecraft, Japan has increased state involvement in infrastructure project exports and centralized authority within the Prime Minister’s Office. The permeation of such statecraft and the apparent escalation of Sino-Japanese competition bear significant consequences for regional trade and developmental cooperation regimes. This heightened competition may initially afford South and Southeast Asian nations a broader choice of service and infrastructure providers. In the long run, if the competition solidifies, secondary states might find themselves compelled to integrate into either China’s hub-and-spoke model or Japan’s reinvigorated production networks. Moreover, such integration could render secondary states dependent on the technology and finance supplied by regional great powers. However, the eventual structure of the region will likely depend on how these two major powers navigate their rivalry. As South and Southeast Asian states and corporations become entwined in both states’ geopolitical and geoeconomic networks, we cannot rule out the evolution of a latticework of intersecting relationships.</p>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"415 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The United Kingdom-Korea-Japan free trade agreement with the reduction in tariffs and non-tariff measures on trade and welfare","authors":"Chae-Deug Yi","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00722-7","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00722-7","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This study examined the effects of the UK–Korea–Japan free trade agreement (FTA) with the removal of import tariffs and non-tariff measures (NTMs) on real GDP, exports, imports, and welfare using a computable general equilibrium model. The simulation results showed that just using tariff elimination without NTMs leads to underestimation of the effects of the FTA. The trilateral UK–Korea–Japan FTA will be more beneficial than the bilateral UK–Korea and UK–Japan FTAs and will increase GDPs and exports in the UK, Korea, and Japan more over time. In contrast, China, the USA, and the EU will decrease their exports to the UK, Korea, and Japan. Although both the UK and Korea will see large trade creation effects on imports from Japan, China, the USA, and the EU will decrease their imports. The UK–Korea–Japan FTA will also bring much larger welfare gains to the UK, Korea, and Japan than the two bilateral FTAs. Thus, the UK–Korea–Japan FTA will provide more economic gains over periods than the current UK–Korea and UK–Japan FTAs.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"117 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Chinese views of ‘Global Britain’: evidence from the government, media, and scholars","authors":"Biao Zhang, Ruike Xu","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00721-8","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00721-8","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Under the slogan ‘Global Britain’, the UK has pursued a range of foreign policy roles. While existing studies focus on the UK’s self-conception of these roles—including a faithful (US) ally, a force for good, a European partner, a Commonwealth leader, a great power, and a global trading state—few have examined other countries’ perceptions in detail. This article examines reactions to these roles of the Chinese government, media, and scholars by drawing on role theory. It reveals two key findings. First, the Chinese government completely rejects the UK’s roles as a faithful ally and a force for good, overlooks the roles of a Commonwealth leader and a European partner, and supports its roles as a global trading state and a great power. Second, while Chinese media and scholars share the government’s rejection of the faithful ally and force for good roles, they somewhat disagree with the government over the rest of these roles. These findings, which highlight the complexity of Chinese role expectations, contribute to studies of British foreign policy, role theory, and China-UK relations.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"99 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}