{"title":"重新思考中日竞争:经济治国方略的扩散","authors":"Karl Yan, Jing Su","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been one of the primary vehicles through which China exports its infrastructure and developmental standards. China’s expanding ambitions to become an international standard-setter compelled a Japanese response. Shinzo Abe’s government has initiated strategies such as the Partnership for Quality Infrastructure. This paper juxtaposes the Chinese and Japanese approaches to securing their position in the global governance of infrastructure finance, with a particular focus on the high-speed railway industry. It posits that economic statecraft has diffused from Japan to China and then back to Japan. In emulating Chinese economic statecraft, Japan has increased state involvement in infrastructure project exports and centralized authority within the Prime Minister’s Office. The permeation of such statecraft and the apparent escalation of Sino-Japanese competition bear significant consequences for regional trade and developmental cooperation regimes. This heightened competition may initially afford South and Southeast Asian nations a broader choice of service and infrastructure providers. In the long run, if the competition solidifies, secondary states might find themselves compelled to integrate into either China’s hub-and-spoke model or Japan’s reinvigorated production networks. Moreover, such integration could render secondary states dependent on the technology and finance supplied by regional great powers. However, the eventual structure of the region will likely depend on how these two major powers navigate their rivalry. As South and Southeast Asian states and corporations become entwined in both states’ geopolitical and geoeconomic networks, we cannot rule out the evolution of a latticework of intersecting relationships.</p>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"415 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0000,"publicationDate":"2025-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5.pdf","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Rethinking Sino-Japanese competition: the diffusion of economic statecraft\",\"authors\":\"Karl Yan, Jing Su\",\"doi\":\"10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been one of the primary vehicles through which China exports its infrastructure and developmental standards. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
“一带一路”倡议(BRI)一直是中国出口其基础设施和发展标准的主要工具之一。中国成为国际标准制定者的雄心日益膨胀,迫使日本做出回应。安倍晋三(Shinzo Abe)政府启动了“优质基础设施伙伴关系”(Partnership for Quality Infrastructure)等战略。本文将中国和日本在确保其在全球基础设施融资治理中地位的方法并列,并特别关注高速铁路行业。它认为,经济治国方略已经从日本扩散到中国,然后又回到日本。为了模仿中国的经济治国方术,日本增加了政府对基础设施项目出口的参与,并在首相办公室内集中了权力。这种治国方术的渗透和中日竞争的明显升级对区域贸易和发展合作机制产生了重大影响。这种加剧的竞争最初可能会给南亚和东南亚国家提供更广泛的服务和基础设施提供商选择。从长远来看,如果竞争加剧,二线国家可能会发现自己被迫融入中国的中心辐射型模式或日本重新焕发活力的生产网络。此外,这种一体化可能会使次要国家依赖地区大国提供的技术和资金。然而,该地区的最终格局很可能取决于这两个大国如何应对它们的竞争。随着南亚和东南亚国家和企业在这两个国家的地缘政治和地缘经济网络中纠缠不清,我们不能排除相互交织的关系网格的演变。
Rethinking Sino-Japanese competition: the diffusion of economic statecraft
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been one of the primary vehicles through which China exports its infrastructure and developmental standards. China’s expanding ambitions to become an international standard-setter compelled a Japanese response. Shinzo Abe’s government has initiated strategies such as the Partnership for Quality Infrastructure. This paper juxtaposes the Chinese and Japanese approaches to securing their position in the global governance of infrastructure finance, with a particular focus on the high-speed railway industry. It posits that economic statecraft has diffused from Japan to China and then back to Japan. In emulating Chinese economic statecraft, Japan has increased state involvement in infrastructure project exports and centralized authority within the Prime Minister’s Office. The permeation of such statecraft and the apparent escalation of Sino-Japanese competition bear significant consequences for regional trade and developmental cooperation regimes. This heightened competition may initially afford South and Southeast Asian nations a broader choice of service and infrastructure providers. In the long run, if the competition solidifies, secondary states might find themselves compelled to integrate into either China’s hub-and-spoke model or Japan’s reinvigorated production networks. Moreover, such integration could render secondary states dependent on the technology and finance supplied by regional great powers. However, the eventual structure of the region will likely depend on how these two major powers navigate their rivalry. As South and Southeast Asian states and corporations become entwined in both states’ geopolitical and geoeconomic networks, we cannot rule out the evolution of a latticework of intersecting relationships.
期刊介绍:
The Asia-Europe Journal is a quarterly journal dedicated to publishing quality academic papers and policy discussions on common challenges facing Asia and Europe that help to shape narratives on the common futures - including both risks and opportunities - of Asia and Europe. The Journal welcomes academically and intellectually rigorous research papers as well as topical policy briefs and thought pieces on issues of bi-regional interest, including management and political economy, innovation, security studies, regional and global governance, as well as on relevant socio-cultural developments and historical events. Officially cited as: Asia Eur J