Geger Riyanto, Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia, Rini Astuti, La Husen Zuada, Ahmad Hidayat, Inaya Rakhmani
{"title":"Various visions of the industrialized future: anxiety, aspiration, and Chinese nickel investment in Indonesia","authors":"Geger Riyanto, Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia, Rini Astuti, La Husen Zuada, Ahmad Hidayat, Inaya Rakhmani","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00727-2","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00727-2","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper, which examines the affective landscape created by Chinese nickel investment in Indonesia, seeks to better understand how actors at various scales and networks respond to China’s global rise. While state-centered perspectives dominated analyses of responses to China’s global action, we want to unpack Indonesians’ anxious and hopeful reactions across multiple fragmented but interconnected contexts. The majority of the involved actors, whether national, regional, or local, associate Chinese investment with the nickel industrialization project. Nonetheless, each actor, standing on a different scale and network in front of the project, has their own set of interests and visions for their future with it. National policymakers are establishing it as a symbol of national development success, while others on a national scale are criticizing it, citing how it marginalizes local communities and destroys their environments. On the other hand, local communities and workers are readjusting to industrialization in ways that betray their national actors’ expectations, envisioning their everyday future with the presence of a new giant bringing opportunities and uncertainties.\u0000</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"369 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rethinking Sino-Japanese competition: the diffusion of economic statecraft","authors":"Karl Yan, Jing Su","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been one of the primary vehicles through which China exports its infrastructure and developmental standards. China’s expanding ambitions to become an international standard-setter compelled a Japanese response. Shinzo Abe’s government has initiated strategies such as the Partnership for Quality Infrastructure. This paper juxtaposes the Chinese and Japanese approaches to securing their position in the global governance of infrastructure finance, with a particular focus on the high-speed railway industry. It posits that economic statecraft has diffused from Japan to China and then back to Japan. In emulating Chinese economic statecraft, Japan has increased state involvement in infrastructure project exports and centralized authority within the Prime Minister’s Office. The permeation of such statecraft and the apparent escalation of Sino-Japanese competition bear significant consequences for regional trade and developmental cooperation regimes. This heightened competition may initially afford South and Southeast Asian nations a broader choice of service and infrastructure providers. In the long run, if the competition solidifies, secondary states might find themselves compelled to integrate into either China’s hub-and-spoke model or Japan’s reinvigorated production networks. Moreover, such integration could render secondary states dependent on the technology and finance supplied by regional great powers. However, the eventual structure of the region will likely depend on how these two major powers navigate their rivalry. As South and Southeast Asian states and corporations become entwined in both states’ geopolitical and geoeconomic networks, we cannot rule out the evolution of a latticework of intersecting relationships.</p>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"415 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The United Kingdom-Korea-Japan free trade agreement with the reduction in tariffs and non-tariff measures on trade and welfare","authors":"Chae-Deug Yi","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00722-7","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00722-7","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This study examined the effects of the UK–Korea–Japan free trade agreement (FTA) with the removal of import tariffs and non-tariff measures (NTMs) on real GDP, exports, imports, and welfare using a computable general equilibrium model. The simulation results showed that just using tariff elimination without NTMs leads to underestimation of the effects of the FTA. The trilateral UK–Korea–Japan FTA will be more beneficial than the bilateral UK–Korea and UK–Japan FTAs and will increase GDPs and exports in the UK, Korea, and Japan more over time. In contrast, China, the USA, and the EU will decrease their exports to the UK, Korea, and Japan. Although both the UK and Korea will see large trade creation effects on imports from Japan, China, the USA, and the EU will decrease their imports. The UK–Korea–Japan FTA will also bring much larger welfare gains to the UK, Korea, and Japan than the two bilateral FTAs. Thus, the UK–Korea–Japan FTA will provide more economic gains over periods than the current UK–Korea and UK–Japan FTAs.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"117 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Chinese views of ‘Global Britain’: evidence from the government, media, and scholars","authors":"Biao Zhang, Ruike Xu","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00721-8","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00721-8","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Under the slogan ‘Global Britain’, the UK has pursued a range of foreign policy roles. While existing studies focus on the UK’s self-conception of these roles—including a faithful (US) ally, a force for good, a European partner, a Commonwealth leader, a great power, and a global trading state—few have examined other countries’ perceptions in detail. This article examines reactions to these roles of the Chinese government, media, and scholars by drawing on role theory. It reveals two key findings. First, the Chinese government completely rejects the UK’s roles as a faithful ally and a force for good, overlooks the roles of a Commonwealth leader and a European partner, and supports its roles as a global trading state and a great power. Second, while Chinese media and scholars share the government’s rejection of the faithful ally and force for good roles, they somewhat disagree with the government over the rest of these roles. These findings, which highlight the complexity of Chinese role expectations, contribute to studies of British foreign policy, role theory, and China-UK relations.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"99 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Managing the COVID-19 pandemic in varied frameworks of trust, transparency, and governance capacity: evidence from China, the UK, Hong Kong, and Taiwan","authors":"Dionysios Stivas, Alistair Cole","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00719-2","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00719-2","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>By illuminating the mode of health crisis management in the four distinct jurisdictions of China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the UK, this article considers how varying trust-transparency mixes provide a context for understanding the public governance of the COVID-19 pandemic. The article builds on publicly available surveys, governmental documents, and observations of the assessed administrations’ response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The study covers the period between January 2020 and April 2022. We conclude that though trust is an important element for controlling the virus, transparency is the precondition for a longer-term resilient and sustainable policy response. Trust-transparency mixes matter because they feed through into governance capacity. While transparency is the prerequisite for a longer-term robust and sustainable policy response, trust is essential for managing the virus in the short term. Governance capacity needs to be understood as a contingent, context-specific quality, in the sense of a legitimate steering mechanism.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"81 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"East Central Europe’s exposure to China: ephemeral sources of susceptibility","authors":"Kamala Valiyeva","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00718-3","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00718-3","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>China’s presence in ECE is characterized by its fragmented structure and continued divergences between societal perceptions and political stances toward Beijing, thereby rendering the exposure to its influence ephemeral. The ECE-China engagements transcend the conventional framework of material-economic considerations, veering into the domain of ideational influences, wherein it predominantly manifests through elite-level identity dynamics and the intricacies of rhetorical politics. Within this premise, the paper employs analytical eclecticism to operationalize theories on normative power and symbolic domination in synthesis with the concepts of liminality and elite capture to explain ECE’s exposure to China. With an emphasis on the historical ideational paradigms and institutional-political dynamics, the paper delineates two pivotal factors that were instrumental in elucidating the contours of regional vulnerability. First, it foregrounds the historical geopolitical liminality of ECE, dissecting its contemporary expression in the strategic rivalry between the development models propagated by the EU and China. This juxtaposition is starkly characterized by a cleavage between Beijing’s pragmatic-driven framework embodied in the 16/14 + 1 platform and ECE’s existence within a values-based paradigm upheld by Brussels. Within this dichotomy of fundamentally divergent development paradigms, ECE nations undergoing an illiberal turn or lacking in resilient state capacity yet striving to assert their geopolitical subjectivity have increasingly displayed an eastward pivot in their foreign relations. Secondly, the paper addresses the interplay between post-communist institutional development and elite formation and their correlation with susceptibility to China’s influence, emphasizing the elite capture phenomenon, predominantly evident among the more authoritarian-leaning countries of the region.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"57 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00718-3.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the relationship between corruption and political ideology: the case of South Korea","authors":"Hyun Jong Kim, Sol Lim, Tae-Hwan Kim, Yunmi Kim","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00720-9","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00720-9","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This article empirically investigates the relative effectiveness of political regimes liberal versus conservative in combating corruption in South Korea. Two corruption indices, the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) by Transparency International and the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) by the World Bank, are employed to measure corruption levels. Through mean difference analysis and regression analysis, some strong and consistent empirical evidence emerges, suggesting that the liberal regime might have proven more effective in combating corruption in South Korea than its conservative counterpart, assuming that the perceived levels of corruption, as measured by both CPI and WGI, serve as reasonable approximations of the actual level of corruption.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"23 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The EU-Japan economic partnership agreement in Japanese print media: a “cars-for-cheese deal” or “the black ships of European cheese”?","authors":"Tine Walravens, Ivar Padrón-Hernández","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00715-6","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00715-6","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EJEPA) entered into force on February 1st, 2019. The agreement was quickly coined the “cars-for-cheese deal”: Agri-food seemed to be the largest winner on the European side while Japan stood to gain most from automotive exports. Up until the final negotiations, however, agri-food was a major stumbling block. Through a qualitative content analysis of EJEPA coverage in five Japanese newspapers with different political and industry profiles, this article examines media treatment of food as a controversial part of the EJEPA. While narratives differed depending on political and industry leanings, we find that the perceived threat from the EJEPA regarding food was often placed within a larger social imagery of a new global order and disadvantageous trade deals, through a conflation with the recently established Trans-Pacific Partnership and its widely reported impact on agriculture. Lastly, beyond a strongly defensive or even victimized narrative in some specialized media, mainstream newspapers also divert attention toward the potential opportunities the EJEPA brings to Japanese exporters and manufacturers.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"1 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Promise and peril of relational governance for Asian regionalism: evidence from China’s BRI infrastructure development in maritime Southeast Asia","authors":"Zhaohui Wang","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00714-7","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00714-7","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The way China promotes Asian regionalism through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been somewhat understudied. Drawing on a relational theory of world politics, this article examines the relational approach taken by China in initiating and negotiating BRI projects with partner countries and its repercussions for project implementation. It is argued that China’s relational governance emphasizes policy communication and coordination, cultivates high-level interpersonal relationships, and provides flexibility and adaptability in intergovernmental negotiations. However, China’s relational governance encounters formidable challenges and constraints in managing complex relationships and building trust in cross-national, multi-stakeholder conditions during BRI project implementation. Case studies on Chinese railway projects in three Maritime Southeast Asian countries provide supporting empirical evidence for the pragmatic but bounded nature of relational governance for China-led regionalism through the BRI. Asian regionalism calls for a synthetic model in the future, where relational governance and rule-based governance complement and reinforce each other.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"303 - 325"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Chinese network power and patronage embeddedness in Indonesia","authors":"Moch Faisal Karim","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00717-4","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00717-4","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Although primarily economic in nature, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often perceived as an economic instrument aimed at enhancing China’s geopolitical objectives. Despite the evident deployment of China’s geoeconomic strategy through the BRI, why does Indonesia continue to engage with the BRI? This paper aims to advance the discussion by shifting focus toward the implications of the BRI on the domestic political dynamics of Southeast Asian countries. It argues that Indonesia’s inability to perceive the BRI as a Chinese geoeconomic strategy stems from the initiative’s capacity to forge a new kind of regionalism. This new regionalism is characterized by the creation of network power, which strategically aligns local oligarchies and conglomerates with Chinese geopolitical interests. In a country like Indonesia, with deeply embedded patronage relations, such co-optation is an effective way to influence the decision-making process. In light of this, this paper conceptualizes the notion of patronage embeddedness to elucidate how Chinese foreign capital embeds itself within local political and economic networks to secure its interests through existing patronage relationships. Through this notion, our conceptualization not only shifts the narrative from a one-sided portrayal of Chinese agency but also highlights a dual agency scenario where Chinese capital and local oligarchs engage in a mutually beneficial relationship. Although this relationship offers advantages to both parties, it does not necessarily align with the broader interests of the Indonesian populace.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"285 - 302"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}