IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2018-07-01 DOI: 10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0006

Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero

{"title":"In defence of underlying representations: Latin rhotacism, French liaison, Romanian palatalization","authors":"Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero","doi":"10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The surface realization of a linguistic expression can often be predicted from the form of paradigmatically related items that are not contained within it: in Latin, the nominative singular of a noun can often be inferred from the genitive; in French, the final consonant of a prenominal masculine adjective in liaison can typically be predicted from the feminine; in Romanian, the plural form of a noun determines whether its stem will exhibit palatalization before the derivational suffix /-ist/. Such instances of phonological paradigmatic dependence without containment have been claimed to challenge cyclic models of the morphosyntax-phonology interface. In this article, however, they are shown to be established indirectly through the acquisition of underlying representations. This approach correctly predicts that phonological paradigmatic dependencies are never systematically extended to new items if they involve suppletive allomorphy rather than regular alternation, whilst those surface phonological properties of derivatives that are under strict phonotactic control evade paradigmatic dependence on the inflectional forms of their bases. Theories relying on surface-to-surface computation fail to recover these empirical predictions because they are inherently nonmodular, positing generalizations that promiscuously mix phonological, morphosyntactic, and lexical information. Underlying representations, therefore, remain indispensable as a means of establishing a necessary modular demarcation between regular phonology and suppletive allomorphy.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"111 1","pages":"171 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2018-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77872643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 7

How speakers interpret the negative markers no and no…pas in Catalan 说话者如何解释加泰罗尼亚语中的否定标记no和no…pas

IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2018-04-10 DOI: 10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0008

Susagna Tubau, V. Déprez, Joan Borràs-Comes, M. Espinal

{"title":"How speakers interpret the negative markers no and no…pas in Catalan","authors":"Susagna Tubau, V. Déprez, Joan Borràs-Comes, M. Espinal","doi":"10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper reports the results of an experimental investigation designed to test the interpretation of the optional doubling of the negative markers no and pas in Expletive Negation (EN) contexts and in preverbal Negative Concord Items (NCI) contexts in Catalan. We show that in EN contexts a negative interpretation of no is preferred to an expletive one, with non-negative readings being less widespread than expected from what is described in traditional grammars. In NCI contexts the overt presence of no basically contributes to a single negation interpretation, thus confirming the status of Catalan as a Negative Concord language. We also show that, in the absence of discourse environments, pas in both EN and NCI contexts shows a variable interpretation, a characteristic of negative polarity items. Our results indicate that pas does not increase the amount of negative interpretation of no in EN contexts, or of double negation in NCI contexts, but is an item dependent on the interpretation of no. We conclude that the strengthening role of Catalan pas (at stage two of Jespersen’s cycle), while associated with the expression of metalinguistic negation, does not reverse the truth or falsity of a proposition.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"31 1","pages":"121 - 167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2018-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81570863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 12

Null objects in the spontaneous speech of monolingual and bilingual speakers of European Portuguese 欧洲葡萄牙语单语和双语者自发言语中的空宾语

IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2018-04-10 DOI: 10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0004

E. Rinke, Cristina Flores, Pilar P. Barbosa

引用次数: 11

On the trail of grammaticalization in progress: has el que become a compound relative pronoun in the history of Spanish prepositional relative clauses? 在语法化的进程中:el que在西班牙介词关系从句的历史中是否已经成为一个复合关系代词?

IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2018-04-10 DOI: 10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0010

J. Arroyo, Javier Vellón Lahoz

{"title":"On the trail of grammaticalization in progress: has el que become a compound relative pronoun in the history of Spanish prepositional relative clauses?","authors":"J. Arroyo, Javier Vellón Lahoz","doi":"10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this paper, we examine the grammatical status of el que in Spanish prepositional relative clauses (el lugar en el que vivo) [the place where I live] from a variationist perspective of the theory of grammaticalization. At least from the nineteenth century onwards, several authors have defended the nature of el que as a compound relative pronoun, even if these forms continue alternating today with others without the article [el lugar en que vivo], in contrast to el cual, a fully grammaticalized relative since the late fifteenth century. Based on a 3,200,000 word corpus of immediacy text (mainly private letters), we test the hypothesis of el que being a case of grammaticalization in progress from a variationist point of view, examining in depth what happens inside the grammar and the socio-stylistic matrix in different periods of history, from 1700 to 1960. The idea underlying this approach is that the structure of changes as well as the grammaticalization in progress can be inferred from the comparative analysis between different quantitative magnitudes of functionally similar variants. To do so, we have performed three independent mixed-effects regression analyses (Rbrul), one for each century. The results of these comparative analyses confirm the progression of el que in prepositional subordinate clauses between the early eighteenth century and the first half of the twentieth. Yet, this progression has taken place at a slow pace and, objectively, can only be described as moderate. Moreover, a number of elements of continuity in history are revealed, such as several conditioning factors that are systematically selected and with the same explanatory direction in all periods. This casts serious doubt on the existence of a grammaticalization in progress in the case of el que, and sees the evolution as not essentially different from other morphosyntactic changes that have taken place in the history of Spanish.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"8 1","pages":"1 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2018-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76794700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 5

Je ll’ai vu: Perception-driven allomorphic optimization of French l’ Je ll ' ai vu:法语l '的感知驱动异体优化

IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2018-04-10 DOI: 10.1515/probus-2017-0009

Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho

引用次数: 1

Parametrising arbitrary constructions 参数化任意结构

IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2018-04-10 DOI: 10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0005

Diego Pescarini

引用次数: 1

Spanish aspectual se as an indirect object reflexive: The import of atelicity, bare nouns, and leísta PCC repairs 西班牙语方面用法作为间接宾语反身:atelicity, bare名词和leísta PCC修理的进口

IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.1515/probus-2015-0009

Jonathan E. MacDonald

引用次数: 20

Possessives and relative clauses in Spanish 西班牙语的所有格和关系从句

IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.1515/probus-2015-0006

Luis Eguren

引用次数: 2

Accounting for intonational form and function in Puerto Rican Spanish polar questions 波多黎各西班牙语极性疑问句的语调形式和功能分析

IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.1515/probus-2014-0016

M. Armstrong

{"title":"Accounting for intonational form and function in Puerto Rican Spanish polar questions","authors":"M. Armstrong","doi":"10.1515/probus-2014-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2014-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Many varieties of Romance show more than one intonation contour available for polar question (PQ) marking. Understanding the pragmatic licensing conditions for these contours is no easy task. Experimental work has tended to account for the variation in terms of dichotomies like information-seeking vs. confirmation-seeking or neutral vs. biased. In this paper I use production data to argue that different languages and dialects will encode different types of information intonationally in PQs, but that the type of information that we find encoded through intonation is quite similar to the type of information encoded through sentence-final particles in languages like Cantonese or Lao. These meanings lie on an epistemic gradient, and the points on the gradient that are encoded linguistically through intonation are language-specific (i.e. language X encodes meaning A, but language Y might encode meaning B, or meanings A & B, etc.). I explore three contours in Puerto Rican Spanish, their phonetic implementations, and their meanings with respect to this epistemic gradient. I argue that we should keep in mind the range of possible meanings of SFPs in other languages in order to refine our methodology in a way that allows us to make better predictions about the pragmatic division of labor among intonation contours, specifically for PQs.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"255 1","pages":"1 - 40"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2017-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73361813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 24

Agreement and interpretation of partitive constructions in Spanish: The dual nature of nominal features 西班牙语分词结构的一致与解释:名义特征的双重性质

IF 0.6 2区文学

Probus Pub Date : 2017-01-28 DOI: 10.1515/probus-2017-0003

Isabel Pérez-Jiménez, Violeta Demonte

{"title":"Agreement and interpretation of partitive constructions in Spanish: The dual nature of nominal features","authors":"Isabel Pérez-Jiménez, Violeta Demonte","doi":"10.1515/probus-2017-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2017-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper analyzes the role of the interaction between syntax and semantics in determining the mixed agreement patterns shown by Spanish partitive constructions when they appear as subjects. These patterns follow straightforwardly from the dual nature of nominal features (concord and index features organized in bundles) and from the assumption that Agree is a feature-valuation process in which the unvalued features of a Probe seek matching parallel valued features of a Goal under locality constraints and a maximization principle. After discussing previous approaches and justifying our syntactic analysis, we demonstrate that interaction for agreement between syntax and semantics is articulated via the nominal index features of the head nouns in the partitive structure, so singular and plural agreement, linked to the valuation/non-valuation of the number index feature, correlates with a group/atomic entity vs. a plurality/distributive reading, respectively, the meaning of the verbal predicate also being relevant. The empirical basis for this analysis is provided by a corpus search whose results are carefully described in the paper.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"26 1","pages":"355 - 395"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2017-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78799933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

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