Parametrising arbitrary constructions

Abstract

Abstract This article aims to reconsider some restrictions on the distribution of of the arbitrary si/se in Romance. The main theoretical tenet of the work is that the observed cross-linguistic variation results from a set of micro-parameters ruling the merging site of si/se and the agree relations occurring between si/se and probing elements such as v and T. In particular, the proposed model aims to account for languages allowing si/se to occur with unaccusative verbs, but not with passive, copular constructions, and with accusative clitics.