Asian Politics & Policy最新文献

{"title":"One policy but different interpretations: A case of agricultural policy implementation in Indonesia","authors":"Muhammad Yamin,&nbsp;Meitry F. Tafarini,&nbsp;Nurilla Elysa Putri,&nbsp;Abdul Kholik,&nbsp;Siti R. Andelia","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12756","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12756","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Indonesian governments developed the Upsus Pajale policy to achieve a goal and solve the problem of food self-sufficiency. Rice, corn, and soybean were the main commodities in the plan of Upsus Pajale Policy implementation. UPSUS Pajale improve rice, corn, and soybean production for food self-sufficiency. This study examined UPSUS Pajale policy implementation at the province, district, subdistrict, and farmer levels. This study examined rice growing in Banyuasin's tidal lowlands, Ogan Komering Ilir's swamplands, and East Ogan Komering Ulu's irrigated rice fields. The research method used a combination model of quantitative and qualitative (mixed method). Sampling data used purposive sampling. NVivo 12 software examined provincial, district, subdistrict, farmer interviews, and group discussions. Results affected typology management constraints differently. Production input costs were the most common issue. This study found that policy was differently implemented at various levels. It would be impacted to the success of the policy.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 3","pages":"412-428"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141967384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Can Asia's climate leader please step forward?","authors":"Indra Overland,&nbsp;Sharon Seah","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12754","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Asia's contribution will be decisive for the global effort to mitigate climate change. But Asia lacks a country that could take the lead and inspire the rest of the region to accelerate its climate action. To identify countries that could fulfill such a role, this article takes a two-step, mixed-methods approach. First, an index is created to identify some potentially leading countries. Second, the top countries identified by the index are assessed in greater detail qualitatively. The analysis finds that China, Japan, and Singapore are the most plausible candidates to take the lead. By doing so, these countries could potentially inspire their neighbors to step up their own efforts as climate change becomes an increasingly important issue in international affairs. However, to become a leader and influence their peers, they will have to make a conscious choice and dedicated effort.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 3","pages":"429-449"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12754","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141967385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Sanctions with Chinese characteristics: Rhetoric and restraint in China's Diplomacy by \u0000 Angela Poh, \u0000Amsterdam: \u0000Amsterdam University Press, \u0000 2021, \u0000 372 pages.","authors":"Enrico V. Gloria","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12757","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 3","pages":"450-452"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141967388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Malaysia's strategic approach: Unpacking the “action-reaction spiral” logic in the South China Sea","authors":"Emirza Syailendra","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12751","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12751","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The phrase “action-reaction” has been frequently reiterated in public speeches by Malaysian leaders, formal documents, and behind-the-scenes discussions. This article contends that this expression operates as a manifestation of Malaysian policymakers' comprehension of the security dilemma and their strategic assessment of their position within a security ecosystem. As part of the interconnected web of relationships among regional actors, any disturbance has the potential to draw Malaysia, as a small state, into an extended cycle of crises. This article draws on Malaysia's conduct in the South China Sea (1970–2023). To mitigate risks, in alignment with various scholarly perspectives, Malaysia adopts a hedging strategy involving tradeoffs and contingency plans. Beyond hedging, a more proactive perspective is also emphasized: when Malaysia identifies affordances or opportunities to act within the security ecosystem, it endeavors to leverage them for its benefit.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 3","pages":"357-376"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12751","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141967386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Articulating a Philippine grand strategy: Policy continuities on the South China Sea","authors":"Edcel John A. Ibarra","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12753","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12753","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Does the Philippines have a grand strategy? The question is biased in favor of a negative answer. Odds are stacked against detecting a grand strategy in non-great-power states. Operationalizing grand strategy as a consistent pattern of behavior reduces bias, but odds are also stacked against observing policy continuities in the Philippines. Increasing the level of analysis, emphasizing outcomes over intentions, and enlarging the time scale can help. Applying these analytical techniques, I argue that a Philippine grand strategy is evident in continuities in the country's foreign and security policies on the South China Sea from 1995 to 2022 under the successive administrations of Ramos, Estrada, Arroyo, Aquino III, and Duterte. The grand strategy has five component policies: (1) bilateral diplomacy with China, (2) multilateral diplomacy through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), (3) grounding in the law of the sea, (4) maintaining the alliance with the US, and (5) modernizing the military.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 3","pages":"317-336"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141968087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Australia-ASEAN relations: A special relationship","authors":"Aries A. Arugay","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12744","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12744","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;Regions are social constructs. What constitutes “Asia” is an evolving label and the region's consensual name has evolved over the decades. This can be thorny debate and the current campaign to decolonize epistemic handles has led to interesting discourses on why the region is now more called “Indo-Pacific” than Asia-Pacific, for example.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Last month, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Australia commemorated its 50th year of diplomatic relations with a special summit that gathered leaders and sectoral members of these two important entities. The meeting had the increasing regional uncertainty and turbulence as its backdrop. The United States (US)-China rivalry remains a strategic challenge that both ASEAN and Australia must face together.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;As a long standing partner, Australia is perceived to be one of the more reliable and dependable partners of Southeast Asian states individually and ASEAN collectively. Australia has cultivated comprehensive and strategic partnerships with ASEAN member-states, invested heavily in economic, security, and people-to-people exchanges. Unlike other major powers, its visibility and reliability was seldom questioned by ASEAN. What was notable is Australia's perspective of the relationship with ASEAN as one that is defined by equanimity, mutual respect, reciprocity, and shared values. As Australia has regularly declared, its interest and therefore identity is with the Asia-Pacific. It has consistently matched this rhetoric with concrete actions and investment in the region. Australia has also been seen as a middle power who genuinely listens to Southeast Asian states and uses them as inputs for meaningful engagement.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;Asian Politics &amp; Policy&lt;/i&gt; has provided the epistemic space to probe intro Australia's relationship with Asia. For example, Kim and Raswant (&lt;span&gt;2023&lt;/span&gt;) looked into Australia's relationship with South Korea as another important pillar in buttressing the former's Indo-Pacific strategy. On the other hand, Snyder (&lt;span&gt;2015&lt;/span&gt;) studied the Australia-Malaysia relationship and how closer security cooperation has improved bilateral relations previously defined by thorny sociopolitical issues. Finally, Taylor (&lt;span&gt;2020&lt;/span&gt;) examined Australia's Indo-Pacific concept and how it seeks to engage it as a middle power. His conclusion that Australia should strategize its engagement in the region with careful monitoring and tempered patience has been the middle power's paradigm as it seeks to further enhance its relationship with ASEAN.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Our April 2024 issue continues this scholarly gaze on Australia's engagement with the Asia-Pacific. Yoshimatsu and Maso (&lt;span&gt;2024&lt;/span&gt;) differentiated between Australia and China's economic relationship with Pacific Island countries. Contrary to China, they argued that Australia employed economic statecraft defined by multilateralism and normative considerations. Dell'Era and Martín (&lt;span&gt;2024&lt;/span&gt;) compared two a","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 2","pages":"143-144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2024-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12744","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140820577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"What motivates South Korean Official Development Assistance?","authors":"Joel Atkinson","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12734","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aspp.12734","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Official Development Assistance (ODA) is defined by a motive: the promotion of the economic development and welfare of developing countries. This review article considers the motives of one donor, South Korea, with a close reading and comparison of three authoritative texts. It argues that Korean ODA is primarily motivated by increasing status and influence, and supporting the overseas expansion of Korean companies. There is also a contribution from secondary motivations more clearly related to the definition of ODA: humanitarianism and being a good global citizen.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 2","pages":"273-293"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2024-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140679905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Party politics and foreign policy: The Liberal Democratic Party in Japan's security policy expansion in Southeast Asia","authors":"Rafyoga Jehan Pratama Irsadanar","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12740","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aspp.12740","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article explains the role of political parties in influencing a democratic state's international security cooperation policy. It focuses on Japan's expanded security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries pushed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The LDP as the ruling party saw Japan's expanded security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries as an effort to success Abe's “Take Back Japan” campaign and to overperform the previous Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) administration. Moreover, Japan was able to expand its security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries because LDP and its junior coalition partner New Komeito, using its preliminary review system in foreign and security policy making, and its stable power in parliament, were able to pass security legislations allowing Japan's to have more security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries.</p><p>本文解释了政党在影响民主国家的国际安全合作政策方面的作用。本文聚焦于安倍晋三首相领导下的自民党所推动的日本与东南亚国家扩大安全和防御合作。作为执政党的自民党认为，日本扩大与东南亚国家的安全合作是为了实施安倍的“夺回日本”运动，并超越前日本民主党政府。此外，日本能够扩大与东南亚国家的安全合作，这归因于自民党及其初级联盟伙伴（即新公明党）能够通过安全立法，使日本能够与东南亚国家进行更多的安全和防御合作</p><p>Este artículo explica el papel de los partidos políticos a la hora de influir en la política de cooperación en materia de seguridad internacional de un estado democrático. Se centra en la ampliación de la cooperación en materia de seguridad y defensa de Japón con los países del sudeste asiático impulsada por el Partido Liberal Democrático (PLD) del primer ministro Abe Shinzo. El PLD, como partido gobernante, vio la ampliación de la cooperación en materia de seguridad de Japón con los países del Sudeste Asiático como un esfuerzo por simplificar la campaña de Abe “Recuperar Japón” y superar a la anterior administración del Partido Demócrata de Japón (PDJ). Además, Japón pudo ampliar su cooperación en materia de seguridad con los países del sudeste asiático porque el PLD y su socio menor de coalición, New Komeito, pudieron aprobar una legislación de seguridad que permitió a Japón tener una mayor cooperación en materia de seguridad y defensa con los países del sudeste asiático.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 2","pages":"209-230"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2024-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140701541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Systematic fraud: Tempo coverage of Indonesia's presidential election 2024","authors":"Irene Hadiprayitno","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12735","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aspp.12735","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;Even before the presidential election, held on February 14, 2024, Indonesia was already scrutinized for the declining trajectory of its democratization process (Aspinall et al., &lt;span&gt;2020&lt;/span&gt;; Ulum, &lt;span&gt;2020&lt;/span&gt;; Warburton &amp; Aspinall, &lt;span&gt;2019&lt;/span&gt;). The Economist Intelligence Unit gives an overall score of 6.3, placing it in 56th place, two places lower than its previous position (EIU Report, &lt;span&gt;2024&lt;/span&gt;). Freedom House places the country under the “partly free” category, scoring 58 out of 100 (Freedom House, &lt;span&gt;2024&lt;/span&gt;). Prodemocracy groups predicted possibility of electoral fraud. The most noteworthy was the release of the documentary “Dirty Vote” on YouTube 3 days before the election (PSHK Indonesia, &lt;span&gt;2024&lt;/span&gt;), which presented three legal scholars/activists exposing signals of electoral fraud committed by the three presidential candidates (Anies Baswedan, Prabowo Subianto, and Ganjar Pranowo) and their teams. However, they mainly directed their criticism at Prabowo Subianto. Thus, when he won the election with 58.58% of the votes, countless voices of disappointment emerged. Activists and academia declared their concerns for the future of Indonesia's democracy.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Why and how politicians violated laws and norms to falsify electoral outcomes constitute indeed a set of topics of importance. Understanding it is not only essential to the history of many democratic systems but also to shed light on political behaviors and their sociological aspects (Molina &amp; Lehoucq, &lt;span&gt;1999&lt;/span&gt;). Unsurprisingly, previous research efforts have identified many structural factors associated with reductions in the integrity of the electoral process. Defined as clandestine efforts to shape election results (Lehoucq, &lt;span&gt;2003&lt;/span&gt;), electoral fraud may include the extent of who is allowed to vote, who is allowed to run, who is allowed to win, and the presence or absence of repression during the process (Gandhi &amp; Lust-Okar, &lt;span&gt;2009&lt;/span&gt;).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Elections present a space for contestation through which opposition forces may periodically challenge, weaken, and even defeat incumbents (Levitsky &amp; Way, &lt;span&gt;2002&lt;/span&gt;). Elite coalitions and the opposition may want to reduce their risk of violent removal from office (Gandhi &amp; Lust-Okar, &lt;span&gt;2009&lt;/span&gt;). When incumbents perceive that the upcoming election will be tight and the electoral rules are majoritarian, the political risks of the ruling party becoming an absolute loser increase. Under such high uncertainty, limiting political competition is of interest, and electoral misconducts may be part of the incumbents' strategy to survive in power (Ruiz-Rufino, &lt;span&gt;2018&lt;/span&gt;).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Electoral fraud also tends to occur when elections are largely about access to state resources. As the state controls a vast public sector and state-dependent private economy, citizens from all economic strata remain dependent on the state. Here, voters tend to support ","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 2","pages":"298-305"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2024-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12735","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140707697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Making donations work in crisis management: A contingent governance transition in philanthropy in Wuhan's COVID-19 response","authors":"Xin Han,&nbsp;Edward Gu,&nbsp;Zhenyu M. Wang,&nbsp;Miao Xiang","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12738","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aspp.12738","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In response to public complaints about the chaotic management of donations during the emergency, the site of the first identified COVID-19 case, Wuhan (in central China), underwent a contingent governance transition. And given the public complaints about the disorganized management of donations during the early stage of emergency management in Wuhan in January 2020, local governments initiated a minor governance transition in philanthropy, involving multiple stakeholders such as public and private charities, as well as private enterprises. In contrast to the abundance of literature on governance actors such as the state, the market, and societal actors, this review discusses the changes in governance mechanisms using publicly available data from governmental websites, policy documents, and news reports. It examines a minor governance change in local philanthropy from hierarchical bureaucratic governance to embryotic non-monocentric governance and to expedient collaborative/interactive governance. Moreover, it highlights the yet-to-be institutionalized characteristics of the newly emerging governance models in China, a country where the traditional mode of hierarchical governance is dominant. This article not only adds to the body of evidence on governance failures caused by monocentric bureaucracy, but it also contributes to the literature on public governance transition in China's philanthropic sector and the state-society relations more broadly.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"16 2","pages":"254-272"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2024-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140708412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}