Asian Politics & Policy最新文献

{"title":"Same goal, different measures: Obscure transformation in Japan's food security policy (1970–2020)","authors":"Hironori Sasada,&nbsp;Takayuki Ito","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12761","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12761","url":null,"abstract":"<p>For decades, the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture has implemented various measures to ensure a stable food supply, considering food security a top priority due to the increasing uncertainty of the global economy. However, the ministry's food security policy has evolved substantially with a disproportionate focus on the domestic production of specific food products. This policy change occurred without being widely recognized by the public, media, or intellectuals. Why has the Agricultural Ministry's policy changed even though its goal has remained the same? By applying both qualitative and quantitative research methods, we investigated the context behind this obscure policy transition. Our findings reveal that, contrary to conventional understanding, this policy shift occurred not so much due to political pressure from the agricultural sector, but mainly because of a change in the definition of a key policy concept (i.e., the food self-sufficiency rate) in the late 1980s.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142555453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The year of democracy's consequential elections","authors":"Aries A. Arugay","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12768","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;2024 will be remembered as the year where a considerable number of democratically-governed countries undertook elections.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The simultaneous occurrence of these elections could be coincidental, but they are a referendum on political leaders and parties seeking re-election and a fresh electoral mandate. These elections could also be seen as a global referendum on democracy as a system of government itself. Many of the governments that are either seeking reelection or to get to power for the first time find themselves at opposite ends of the democratic spectrum: either they are the eroding agents of democracy or mavericks seeking to depose leaders who have damaged the democratic fabric of their societies. Thus far, critical elections were already held in South Africa, Mexico, Venezuela, and the United Kingdom. In Asia, new governments have been formed in India, Indonesia, and Taiwan. Japan and the United States (US) will hold their elections.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The recently concluded elections in India and Indonesia have massive repercussions in the fates of two of the world's biggest democracies. In India, Narendra Modi's party still secured a majority mandate but it fell short of its expected dominance of the parliamentary elections. This means that Modi's popular mandate shrank and could indicate an opening for the political opposition in the years to come. In a previous issue, the article of Sharma and Dubey (&lt;span&gt;2021&lt;/span&gt;) studied Modi's populist rhetoric and how his monthly radio addresses used specific language that resulted in an effective communication strategy that emphasized direction giving, empathetic, and meaning-making language. It is expected that Modi will continue to utilize this strategy as he continues to lead India dynamic growth and expansion in the years to come.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;In Indonesia, the 2024 presidential elections were seen as a significant turnover of power from the decade-long leadership of outgoing president Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. Under this leadership, Indonesia grew in global prominence with its aggressive economic growth and improvement in reputation as it became a member of the highly exclusive G20. But instead of staying in power like the other members of his populist cohort, Jokowi allowed political succession through democratic means with former general Prabowo Subianto winning the presidential election in an overwhelming fashion. However, Jokowi allowed his son, Gibran Rakabuming, to be Prabowo's running mate. He will be sworn in as the youngest vice-president in the country's history. Vermonte (&lt;span&gt;2015&lt;/span&gt;) published an analysis of the 2014 Indonesian presidential elections that secured Jokowi's first term against his opponent Prabowo. He was optimistic that the 2014 elections would usher a new era of economic prosperity but also democratic deepening. It seems like Jokowi was able to deliver more of the former than the letter as he steps down this month.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Another big democracy is having perhaps its most co","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12768","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142555399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The multiple patterns of factional influence: Evidence from the 2021 LDP presidential election","authors":"Masahiko Asano,&nbsp;Dennis Patterson","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12765","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12765","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Traditionally, factions and seniority determined who became President of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and, thus, Japan's Prime Minister. Since the electoral reform of 1994, however, some scholars have argued that the role of factions has declined, and this has led to ongoing debates over the extent to which factions and other factors have helped determine who will become the leader of Japan's LDP. Using data from the 2021 LDP Presidential election, we find that it is not policy but factional affiliations that matter for LDP members in selecting their leader. In addition to this finding, we disaggregate faction and show that the influence of this political institution in LDP Presidential elections varies across different factions. We also find that electorally weaker LDP incumbents are more likely to support a candidate who is more popular among Japanese voters in general.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142555370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The impact of social and institutional trust on South Korean perceptions of North Korean arrivals\u0000 社会和制度信任对韩国人的朝鲜移民感知的影响\u0000 El impacto de la confianza social e institucional en las percepciones de los surcoreanos sobre la llegaada de norcoreanos","authors":"Timothy S. Rich,&nbsp;Serena White","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12762","url":null,"abstract":"<p>How do forms of trust influence South Korean views of North Korean arrivals? While a broad literature addresses the institutional and generalized social trust impacting a range of public perceptions, this has not been extended to views on North Korean arrivals. Meanwhile, research on views of arrivals often relies on only one measure for what are likely complex concerns. Through the use of a 2021 Korean Social Integration Survey, we find evidence of institutional and social trust positively influencing overall views of arrivals, with mixed results on the impact on proximal tolerance of arrivals, suggesting that policy efforts to enhance trust as a means to improve integration efforts may fail to produce substantive improvements for arrivals.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142555383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Media coverage of Maldives parliamentary elections and its implications for India","authors":"Abhijit Anand,&nbsp;Tanya Pandey","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12766","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142550548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Civil society alliance building in Hong Kong: The case of preservation movements","authors":"Stephan Ortmann","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12760","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Very little research has focused on types of cooperation between different civil society organizations at the domestic level. This article fills this gap by developing the distinction between organization-based and society-based cooperation. Examining Hong Kong's unique political system, the paper highlights both types. The Save Our Country Park Alliance (SOCP) exemplifies organization-centric collaboration, requiring consensus among diverse NGOs, which can hinder decision-making. Conversely, the Save Lantau Alliance (SLA) demonstrates society-centric cooperation with flexible, quick mobilization through core active member organizations and collaboration with pro-democratic groups. Despite the 2020 National Security Law forcing many liberal organizations to disband, the SLA persists in its efforts to preserve Lantau, though it faces increased challenges in an environment hostile to society-based activism. This distinction enhances our understanding of civil society alliances in varying political contexts.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142555076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A study of the first five-year tenure (2017–2022) of provincial governments in Nepal","authors":"Thaneshwar Bhusal,&nbsp;Michael G. Breen","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12767","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Nepal introduced federalism in 2015 with three levels of government: federal, provincial, and local. The preamble of the constitution mentions that the country's new federal system of government shall address three key perennial political and policy problems: (i) centralized governance structure, (ii) geographically disbalancing developmental approach, and (iii) social injustice leveraged by caste-based social structures and unequal economic opportunities. This research is an attempt to understand the first 5-year tenure of provincial governments (2017–2022) regarding their efforts to attain the aforesaid constitutional aims. Findings indicate that provincial governments operated in ambiguity during their first electoral tenure, resulting in no tangible outcomes. Instead, they generated rather pessimistic public impressions about provincial government structure in Nepal. The research contributes to broadening the insights on intermediary government mechanisms across federal countries, with empirical evidence from Nepal.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12767","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142555366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"America's foreign policy after Biden: What can the Indo-Pacific region expect?","authors":"See Seng Tan","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12763","url":null,"abstract":"<p>What might the foreign policy of a potential Trump presidency or that of a Harris presidency look like, and what could their respective implications for the Indo-Pacific be? The likelihood that Trump will revive his “America First” doctrine, including his trade war with China, suggests that the region may be in for another bumpy ride from a “Trump 2.0.” A Harris presidency will likely continue Biden's policy in engaging deeply (but selectively) with the Indo-Pacific, while “de-risking” America from China and resisting Chinese efforts to delimit the global commons and deny others access to it. Whether led by Trump or Harris, it is likely that the United States will proactively take on China but in slightly different ways. In either instance, Southeast Asia stands to benefit if the Association of Southeast Asian Nations countries play their cards right, but it will be in terms of their perceived usefulness to America's effort to counter China.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142555075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"TikTok's influence on Indonesia's 2024 election: From general to “gemoy”","authors":"Muhammad Edy Susilo,&nbsp; Pawito,&nbsp;Andrik Purwasito,&nbsp;Andre Noevi Rahmanto","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12764","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142555397","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The agency of small states in the United States-China rivalry","authors":"Aries A. Arugay","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12759","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aspp.12759","url":null,"abstract":"<p>How do small states navigate the current geostrategic rivalry between the United States (US) and China? If one solely takes the view of <i>realpolitik</i> or power politics, there seems to be very few options for weaker states. The history of international relations showed us that they played derivative roles as proxies for great powers, sites or theaters of conflict, and worst, possible victims of collateral damage in superpower clashes. A known African proverb resembles small states as the grass that gets trampled by elephants (superpowers) regardless whether they fight (conflict) or make love (cooperation). And in times of deep and pernicious polarization between great powers, the precarity of small states are heightened to unprecedented degrees.</p><p>Nonetheless, attempts to mitigate the negative repercussions stemming from the Sino-US geostrategic rivalry from the collective of small states have not gathered sufficient success thus far. On the contrary, there is increasing pressure for states to choose a side despite the benefits of taking an ambiguous stance given superpower competition. In a recent keynote speech in the 2024 Shangri-La Dialogue, Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. admitted that superpower rivalry has constrained the choices of small powers and has exacerbated regional flashpoints. He warned that small states could be included in new geopolitical spheres of influence and become buffer states. Instead, small and middle powers have the agency to forge consensus, build bridges, and even shape the rules. Instead of paws, another perspective offers that small states can be credible pathfinder, trusted partners, and committed peacemakers. To fulfill these potentials, there is a need for small states to assert their agency but to also collectively organize and band together.</p><p>Previous articles published in <i>Asian Politics &amp; Policy</i> emphasized the moments where the agency of small states can be seen. For example, the hedging strategy between competing regional powers has been the default approach of small Arab Gulf states to address their respective security dilemmas (Hamdi &amp; Salman, <span>2020</span>). Using Malaysia as a case study, Kuik (<span>2016</span>) also argued that hedging is the strategy of smaller powers, especially those that hedge on a wide variety of security risks, rather than focused on any major power. Using other countries in Southeast Asia like Cambodia and Vietnam, Železný (<span>2022</span>) revealed the diverse types of hedging behavior given US-China competition during the Obama administration. These research articles suggest the states can creatively navigate the competition between great powers. It remains to be seen whether these strategies are sustainable as the rivalry between US and China intensifies.</p><p>In this issue of <i>APP</i>, we also feature similar studies that reflect on the ability of Asian states to manoeuvre around superpower rivalry. The articles written by","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12759","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141805973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}