Asian Politics & Policy最新文献

{"title":"China's strategic distastes for Korea in the Indo-Pacific strategy: Major concerns and countermeasures","authors":"Jaewoo Choo","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12674","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12674","url":null,"abstract":"<p>China sees South Korea's full access will perfect the Indo-Pacific strategy, dealing a detrimental blow to its national security interests for three reasons, geography, economics, and defense. The Indo-Pacific strategy is also a strategy based on network building. However, the inherent nature of the network limits the membership to allies, “like-minded states,” and supporters to the rule-based order. While Korea still holds reservations about making a full-fledged commitment to the strategy, China is to do its utmost including coercive measures to prevent it from joining it. In this light, the article will first analyze the reasons why China opposes Korea joining the strategy. China's strategic interest against the Indo-Pacific strategy will be inferred to substantiate its objection to Korea's participation. The article will also explain the imperatives for Korea to join the strategy. It will conclude with some remarks that can help the United States. induce Korea's commitment and vice versa.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"15 1","pages":"128-140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50131449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Fitting South Korea in the United Kingdom's Indo-Pacific tilt","authors":"Saeme Kim","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12671","url":null,"abstract":"<p>As the UK seeks to build stronger relations with countries in the Indo-Pacific, an important factor for its relations with South Korea will be the extent to which South Korea can clarify its own geopolitical orientation, including how it grapples with issues linked to China's rise. As the UK projects its leadership in a post-Brexit era, it is identifying, through the Indo-Pacific tilt, aspects where it can exercise influence in the region. Through the process, it will orient itself in new and existing networks and seek to identify reliable partners. There is potential for South Korea to be a bigger partner, but it will depend on how far South Korea can move out of its comfort zone and how deeply it is willing to imbed itself in the transforming networked architecture.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"15 1","pages":"113-127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12671","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50116798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Focus versus format: An American view of South Korea's regional engagement","authors":"Zack Cooper","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12677","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The United States and South Korea are both shifting their engagement in the Indo-Pacific, but in fundamentally different ways. In recent years, Washington has altered the format of its engagement in the region—shifting toward an increasingly minilateral approach seen in the Quad and AUKUS arrangements. On the other hand, Seoul has sought primarily to alter the focus of its engagement—shifting from a narrow focus on the Korean Peninsula toward a broader regional approach. In other words, American leaders have adjusted the format of their engagement while Korean leaders have adjusted the focus of their engagement. This has created a disconnect. As South Korea has aligned its focus to that of the United States, Seoul has expected Washington to integrate South Korea more deeply into American regional strategy. Yet, US efforts to build minilaterals have seldom included South Korea. Addressing this divide will require leaders in both capitals to adjust their approaches to both focus and format in the Indo-Pacific.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"15 1","pages":"37-47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50128430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A precarious regional flashpoint","authors":"Aries A. Arugay","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12669","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12669","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;The possible crisis in the Taiwan Strait is a looming regional flashpoint that could potentially drag many Asian states into an armed international conflict. Countries like the Philippines, Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, and others might become frontline states in any militarized confrontation involving Taiwan. Beyond geographic proximity, the intensified superpower rivalry between the United States and China substantially frames the current precarity of the regional security environment.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Restraint and responsible behavior must remain the guiding norms of behavior for all states in the Indo-Pacific over the Taiwan strait. The repercussions in the region and the globe are too serious and far-reaching if conflict erupts. The Philippines, for example, will suffer a lot. First, the country's economy is heavily intertwined with both China and Taiwan. China is the second-ranked trade partner of the Philippines with US$6.63 billion worth of trade in 2021. That same year, Taiwan ranked 9th with $2.5 billion worth of trade. It is highly likely that the Philippines will suffer a major economic blow if cross-strait relations reach its lowest point. Moreover, there are 150,000 overseas Filipino workers in Taiwan and around the same number are in Hong Kong. They will likely need to be repatriated in any militarized conflict which could almost be a logistical nightmare of epic proportions for the Philippine government. Given the global economic slowdown and economic hardship currently experienced by the country, another economic downturn caused by geopolitical conflict is the last thing the country needs.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Apart from the massive economic implications of the crisis in the strait, the Philippines might also be at the receiving end of a major humanitarian crisis. A protracted military conflict will possibly generate thousands if not millions of refugees. Among ASEAN countries, it is the Philippines that signed all major international conventions on sheltering and protecting stateless persons. Historically, the country has been a haven for refugees and other displaced persons. This has been the historical identity of the Philippines in the past and it will not shirk from opening its borders to the Taiwanese people of the need arises.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Another strategic imperative for the Philippines is its shared identity as a small state that also has a territorial and maritime dispute with China. Though the 2016 Arbitral Award has resolved this dispute in favor of the Philippines, China had remained adamant on the triviality of this piece of international law and has continued to assert its dominant presence in the West Philippine Sea. Russia's invasion of Ukraine is too near an event for the Philippine government to forget that undue intrusion and even invasion of a superpower to a less powerful country has no place in 21st century international relations. Thus, the Philippines and other neighboring states should not simply dismiss the need for solidarity again","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"14 4","pages":"467-468"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12669","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71986325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Competing logics and reform strategies in local reform: A case study of administrative licensing reform in China","authors":"Zhenjie Yang,&nbsp;Yuqing Liang,&nbsp;Mengyan Yu","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12666","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12666","url":null,"abstract":"<p>How to balance the market and the government to promote local economic development and provide sufficient public services has always been a challenging issue for leaders, in face of the existence of varied interests and values of different stakeholders. Conflicting values between the market and the government are directly related to the competing logics between market orientation and bureaucratic/administrative dominance. Since China's transition from the planned economy or government dominance to marketization in 1978, a series of national and local innovations has been launched. Among those reforms, policy entrepreneurs played a critical role. Administrative licensing reform was one of key changes from the planned economy to the marketized economy. Through a local case in administrative licensing reform, this study explores how a policy entrepreneur at local level applied reform strategies to balance conflicting values and constrain the self-interested bureaucracy to achieve the marketization reform.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"14 4","pages":"518-535"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71966167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Trust in institutions and subjective well-being: Evidence from the Philippines","authors":"Tristan Piosang,&nbsp;Arthur Grimes","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12664","url":null,"abstract":"<p>We examine the institutional drivers of subjective well-being (SWB). Using a repeated cross-sectional data set from the Philippines spanning three decades, we estimate the relationship of people's trust in public institutions and SWB, measured in terms of people's satisfaction with their lives. Our findings, based on estimates which control for a range of individual-level characteristics, show that people's trust in public institutions is strongly associated with their well-being. In particular, a great deal of trust in the Police, Congress, and Judiciary is positively associated with people's satisfaction with their lives while a lack of trust in Congress, Civil Service, and Executive is negatively related to life satisfaction. Findings are discussed vis-à-vis their implications for Philippine public policy and to well-being-oriented policy regimes more generally.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"14 4","pages":"490-517"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aspp.12664","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71938220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The impact of government partisanship on social policy in a young democracy: The case of South Korea","authors":"Won Sub Kim,&nbsp;Jin-Sook Yu,&nbsp;Yuncheol Nam","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12662","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12662","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article investigates the impact of government partisanship on social policy developments in South Korea. Social policy developments of the center-left Kim Dae-Jung government and the conservative Lee Myung-Bak government are compared using mixed quantitative and qualitative methods. The comparison demonstrates that each government is distinctive in its welfare expenditures as well as welfare ideology and reforms. The welfare reforms instituted by the Kim government strengthened the social security-centered welfare state. In contrast, the Lee government commoditized labor and strengthened the free market logic in the welfare delivery system. Despite the impacts of partisanship, both governments dealing with economic crises and interacting with social movements were required to expand social policy. Consequently, the policy differences between the governments turned out to be less pronounced than expected. This article suggests that the party difference theory, which considers socioeconomic and political constraints, could explain crucial parts of social policy outputs in South Korea.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"14 4","pages":"469-489"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71938221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Tangible policy framework for affordable housing in India: Analysis and policy Prescriptions","authors":"Sampriti Biswas,&nbsp;Pranay Prakash","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12665","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12665","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Provision of “affordable” housing is increasingly becoming an extremely challenging as well as complex issue. There is no tailor-made, well-defined definition of “affordable” where urban housing is concerned. Large metropolitan cities such as Kolkata, Mumbai, Delhi, and so forth, have teeming populations living in large slums. The Burrabazar or Bara Bazar area in Central Kolkata is extremely populous. This also shows how dire the necessity of proper shelter for these poor migrants as well as other laborers and poor of the area. A sample of 100 laborers (both migrants as well as locals) was selected randomly and surveyed with a questionnaire comprising 41 main questions from the Burrabazar area, starting from the Ganesh Talkies area. The respondents were semiskilled to unskilled workers involved in physically hazardous occupations like handheld rickshaw pullers, “mutiyahs,” manual scavengers, small deliverymen, domestic help, and so forth, mainly in the age group of 25–55 years. The entire sample survey was started and carried out in the month of February 2016 in all the wards of Burrabazar. A two-pronged approach is suggested as a remedy for this problem of an affordable place to stay. The first is to provide hostel-type “homes” where they will be able to stay in groups and obtain meals at cheap prices. It will be of a minimum value so that not only they obtain a safe and secure place to stay, and a bed but also at least a couple of healthy and nutritious meals as well as medicines (in times of emergency). The second option is “mobile homes.” This is not only a very interesting concept but is also extremely useful. Since these mobile homes can be moved they can be kept anywhere with proper permission from the municipality and the other concerned authorities, say the local police. But then, effective guidelines must be there to identify the beneficiaries properly.</p>","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"14 4","pages":"536-549"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71919451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Media coverage of Ukraine crisis and its implications on India–Russia relations","authors":"Abhijit Anand,&nbsp;Gaurav Pathak","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12667","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12667","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"14 4","pages":"560-563"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71975311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"How Indian media reported on “Sri Lankan Economic Crisis”","authors":"Abhijit Anand,&nbsp;Rafique Khan","doi":"10.1111/aspp.12660","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12660","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44747,"journal":{"name":"Asian Politics & Policy","volume":"14 4","pages":"555-559"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71975312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}