Journal of Modern European History最新文献_第6页

Navigating the Greek Revolution before Navarino. Imperial Interventions in Aegean Waters, 1821–1827 纳瓦里诺之前的希腊革命。1821年至1827年，帝国对爱琴海水域的干预

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1177/16118944231161221

E. de Lange

{"title":"Navigating the Greek Revolution before Navarino. Imperial Interventions in Aegean Waters, 1821–1827","authors":"E. de Lange","doi":"10.1177/16118944231161221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944231161221","url":null,"abstract":"Virtually every publication on the Greek Revolution signals the Battle of Navarino (20 October 1827) as a turning point in international involvement with events in Greece. What the historiography tends to ignore, however, is the significant degree of military intervention that preceded 1827, particularly at sea. Yet, the Greek Revolution was six years underway and had already taken to the sea by the time of Navarino. Several naval actors at Navarino had been involved in the maritime handling of the revolution since its very beginning, including the Royal Navy captain Gawen Hamilton, the French Vice-Admiral Henri de Rigny and the Algerine commander Mustapha Bachalî Raïs. What had they been doing before then in the seas around Greece? By looking at the first phases of the Greek Revolution, from 1821 to 1827, this article clarifies how different imperial powers tried to manage the uncertainties and threats that the rebellion brought to the waters of the Mediterranean. It draws from source material on the navies of Great Britain, France, Austria and the Ottoman Empire. The piece provides three insights that highlight the significance and contingencies of imperial involvement in the first phase of the revolution. These insights relate to: (a) belligerency at sea; (b) the security threats of piracy and privateering; and (3) naval interventionism.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44654170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Policing Subversion in Post-Napoleonic Europe: Austria and the Greek Revolution of 1821–1830 后拿破仑时代欧洲的警务颠覆：奥地利与1821–1830年的希腊革命

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1177/16118944231161256

C. Aliprantis

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Two Portrayals of Public Debt in the Formation of Modern Italy: From the Ancien Régime to Modern Capitalism 公共债务在现代意大利形成过程中的两种表现:从古代经济体制到现代资本主义

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1177/16118944231161251

G. Conte

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Forum Global Dis:connections 论坛全球Dis:连接

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2023-01-19 DOI: 10.1177/16118944221148939

R. Wenzlhuemer, Tom Menger, Valeska Huber, Heidi J. S. Tworek, S. Sivasundaram, Simone M. Müller, Callie Wilkinson, M. Herren, Martin Dusinberre

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Who May Represent a Nation in Upheaval? The Concept of Representation during the Polish November Uprising, 1830–1831 谁可以在动乱中代表一个国家？1830-1831年波兰十一月起义期间的代表权概念

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2023-01-04 DOI: 10.1177/16118944221146910

Piotr Kuligowski, W. Marzec

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The Difficulty of Leaving: Freedom of Movement and the National Security State in Cold War West Germany 离开的困难:冷战西德的行动自由与国家安全状态

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2023-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/16118944221146911

S. Gehrig

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How Littoral Slovenians Viewed the Idea of a South Slavic Unit in the Habsburg Monarchy 沿海的斯洛文尼亚人如何看待哈布斯堡王朝的南斯拉夫单位

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2022-12-25 DOI: 10.1177/16118944221146902

Igor Ivašković

{"title":"How Littoral Slovenians Viewed the Idea of a South Slavic Unit in the Habsburg Monarchy","authors":"Igor Ivašković","doi":"10.1177/16118944221146902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221146902","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents the idea of a third unit in the Habsburg Monarchy prior to World War I as seen through the eyes of Slovenian liberals. The author presents the broader political context in which the concept emerged and then analyses the reactions of various political groups amid national tensions in the Balkans. Extracts of two liberal Slovenian newspapers, Edinost (Trieste) and Soča (Gorizia), are examined with respect to the key geopolitical dilemmas and interests of different stakeholders affected by the new geopolitical construct. It is argued that trialism was chiefly an attempt by Austria to curtail the power of Hungary. The majority of Slovenians and Croatians initially supported the idea because it implied their political emancipation. On the other side were the Hungarians, Italians and Serbs who saw the idea as a threat to their national interests. In terms of South Slavic relations, trialism represented a new battlefield for the Catholic and Orthodox visions of Yugoslavism. With further development of the concept, first and foremost due to Austria's ambitions to satisfy the Italians and leave Trieste and Gorizia outside of the imagined third unit, the idea introduced tension into Croatian–Slovenian relations and led to a fresh dispute in the Slovenian political sphere between liberals and conservatives. Finally, the advocates of trialism were unable to gain sufficient internal support within the Habsburg Monarchy, which thereby preserved the status quo and the dual regime until the monarchy's collapse during war.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41491889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Speaking through Petitions: Peasant Farmers in the Nascent Democracy, Denmark 1830s 通过请愿讲话:新生民主中的农民，丹麦，19世纪30年代

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2022-12-25 DOI: 10.1177/16118944221146898

Anne Engelst Nørgaard

引用次数: 0

The Evolution of Popular Politics in 19th-Century Sweden and the Road from Oligarchy to Democracy 19世纪瑞典大众政治的演变与从寡头政治到民主政治的道路

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2022-12-25 DOI: 10.1177/16118944221146897

Erik Bengtsson

{"title":"The Evolution of Popular Politics in 19th-Century Sweden and the Road from Oligarchy to Democracy","authors":"Erik Bengtsson","doi":"10.1177/16118944221146897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221146897","url":null,"abstract":"In the 20th century, Sweden distinguished itself as one of the most organized and participatory democracies in the world. But in the late 19th century the situation was much the opposite – Sweden had for Western Europe a low degree of suffrage, and low political participation. To explain the turnaround, this paper explores the evolution of a democratic political culture in the final third of the 19th century, in opposition to the oligarchic system. The empirical material consists of digitalized newspapers from the south of Sweden in the period 1866 to 1900, studying about 2700 articles that mention ‘popular meetings’, folkmöten, which was the contemporary description of political meetings. In the 1860s and 1870s a farmer-centred democratic critique dominated, combining proposals for widened suffrage with criticisms of banks and the bureaucracy. In the 1880s and 1890s, the social base was widened as urban workers – socialist and antisocialist – took a greater part and the ideological composition became more heterogeneous. The paper suggests that the folkmöten constituted an important arena for democratic socialization in a country with an oligarchical political system, creating a road forward for democratic reforms and a democratic society.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47016289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Why Jewish Refugees Were Imprisoned in a Spanish Detention Camp while Fleeing Europe (1940–1945) 为什么犹太难民在逃离欧洲时被关押在西班牙拘留营（1940–1945）

IF 0.5 3区历史学

Journal of Modern European History Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1177/16118944221130464

Jacqueline Adams

{"title":"Why Jewish Refugees Were Imprisoned in a Spanish Detention Camp while Fleeing Europe (1940–1945)","authors":"Jacqueline Adams","doi":"10.1177/16118944221130464","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130464","url":null,"abstract":"One route out of continental Europe for Jewish refugees seeking to escape Nazi and Vichy persecution was via Franco’s Spain. Yet hundreds of these refugees were imprisoned soon after arriving in the country. From prison, men of military age tended to be sent to a detention camp for weeks, months or up to three years. This camp was known as the ‘Campo de Concentración de Miranda de Ebro’, and conditions in it were harsh. Why were Jewish men sent there? They were interned in the camp because senior Spanish officials created a series of policies that spelt out what officials and officers should do with different categories of foreigners who had entered the country without all the necessary documents. These policies did not target Jews. They were influenced by large population movements within France and from France into Spain; by the pro-Axis and pro-Allies leanings of senior officials; and by pressure that the British, American and German ambassadors in Madrid put on the Spanish government. Between September 1940 and January 1943, the policy determined that provincial governors were responsible for deciding what to do with newly arrived foreigners. Provincial governors’ membership in the Falange, a Germanophile party, may have influenced their decisions. While interned in the camp, many Jewish refugees saw their visas to their final destinations and boat tickets out of Europe expire, and they endured hunger, illness, separation from their family and other conditions that were detrimental to their health.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44811682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0