The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium最新文献

{"title":"The Good Ruler from a Papal Perspective: Continuities and Discontinuities in Papal Letters from the Fourth to Eighth Centuries","authors":"Florian Hartmann","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-014","url":null,"abstract":"Examining papal perspectives about and towards the good ruler presents two chal-lenges. The first challenge is the relatively long time period from the fourth to eighth centuries with which this volume concerns itself.¹ The second challenge is related to specific source-critical problems that arise because popes almost exclusively con-veyed their thoughts on the good ruler in letters,² as no pope of this period penned a Mirror of Princes (Fürstenspiegel). The broad catalogue of virtues such as the one outlined by Ambrose of Milan for church dignitaries does not resonate with histori-ography composed in the popes ’ inner circles.³ Some emperors were regarded as especially “ good ” by both tradition and church historians, so their catalogue of virtues could, in theory, permit drawing inferences about the idea(l) of a good ruler. ⁴ How-ever, because the popes did not themselves participate in this retroactive “ mytholo-gizing ” of individual emperors, we must rely almost solely on papal letters, the majority of which can be termed “ dogmatic letters ” or having theological, Christological, or canonical contents. ⁵ Perusing the papal letters, it soon becomes apparent that the particular reasons for writing a letter usually determined the specific labelling of the good ruler in each individual case. These reasons and the notions of the good ruler mirrored therein experienced only minor shifts throughout these 500  On account of this timeframe, the bibliography will be limited to absolutely necessary of the Catholic Church in hostile wars fought for the Christian people and you are fighting ec-clesiastical wars like the warriors of God.","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127274685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A Christian King in Africa: The Image of Christian Nubian Rulers in Internal and External Sources","authors":"Adam Łajtar, Grzegorz Ochała","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-017","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132959700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Image of the Christian Ruler in the Catholic Monarchy of Visigothic Spain: Julian of Toledo’s Historia Wambae","authors":"W. Drews","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-015","url":null,"abstract":"King Wamba (672–680) was arguably the last strong ruler of Visigothic Spain able to assert royal power against aristocratic factions and ecclesiastical authorities alike. He is famous in medieval history first and foremost for the ecclesiastical inauguration ritual at the beginning of his reign, which involved the first attested royal unction in medieval Europe. The description of Wamba’s royal inauguration comes from bishop Julian of Toledo, who was later involved in Wamba’s deposition. In his Historia Wambae, he describes Wamba as an exemplary Christian ruler, a princeps religiosus, imbued with Christian virtues. He contrasts the ideal figure using the usurper Paul as an example of a bad, un-Christian ruler, depicted as a tyrant supported by hostile forces from the outside. The Historia Wambae may have been written after Wamba’s deposition, reflecting political interests of aristocratic elites during the reign of his second successor, king Egica. The literary figure of Wamba is completely different from the historical Wamba. Julian of Toledo aptly constructs the image of an ideal Christian ruler, following literary models from the Roman past, such as Sallust, and the Old Testament. Christian kingship appears as a fusion of both Roman and biblical traditions but geared to the conditions of late Visigothic Spain and, in particular, to its leading ecclesiastical circles, which interestingly had been in opposition to the historical Wamba. The ideal Christian king appears to be a literary projection serving the political interests of particular social elites.","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132115760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Emperor’s Two Cities: Augustine’s Image of the Good Christian Ruler in De civitate Dei 5.24","authors":"Kai Preuss","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-005","url":null,"abstract":"When talking about Augustine’s image of the good Christian ruler, we should not airily assume that the nature of our subject is understood. While the concept of an image seems to imply a descriptive approach towards reality, the good – if not the Christian – ruler points to a normative perspective on the political phenomenon of the ruler. The image becomes the reflection of a reality hoped for rather than one at hand. Even so, it is not quite clear whether it is the ruler that is supposed to be good or if it is the Christian – if one should even make such a distinction. Questions like these arise in view of a text widely taken as Augustine’s most prominent image of a good Christian ruler, chapter twenty-four in the fifth book of his De civitate Dei. What we can find here is a characterisation – not quite extensive, but very influential1 – of what an ideal ruler should be like, what he should do and, of course, what he should refrain from. Because of this, it is sometimes referred to as a mirror for princes. In the German translation by Wilhelm Thimme, “Fürstenspiegel” has even been chosen as the chapter’s heading.2 While this is an anachronistic denotation for antique literature in general,3 there are several reasons to make at least cautious use of the term, particularly when it comes to this chapter of Augustine’s De civitate Dei. Although the metaphor of the mirror4 is widely used in Augustine’s writings and even in his correspondence with political agents,5 he himself did not call his descrip-","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115035900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Creation of a “Pious” Image of King Vačʽagan II (r. c. 485–523) of Caucasian Albania in the Tale of Vačʽagan (Early Sixth Century)","authors":"A. Hakobyan","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-012","url":null,"abstract":"The History of Albania is by the late tenth-century Armenian historian Movsēs Dasxurancʽi, (also known from historiography and manuscripts as “Kałankatuacʽi”) who was from Artsakh.1 This work is a compilation of numerous writings, both longer and shorter, which come from Artsakh. Since these works were copied in a very literal manner, they have served as the basis for a number of scientific contributions published over the last fifteen years on such texts as the Tale of Vačʽagan, the History of Catholicos Viro by Anonymous Kałankatuacʽi, the anonymous History of the Year 684, the Canons of Ałuēn, among others. The first of these works was composed at the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century by an eyewitness and has historically been given the title of the Tale of Vačʽagan (in Armenian “Վաչագանի վէպ” – “Vačʽagani Vēp”; in German Watschagans Erzählung; in French Conte de Vatchagan; and in Russian “Повесть о Вачагане”). Movsēs Dasxurancʽi copied the Tale into chapters XIV and XVI–XXIII of the first book of his History of Albania.2 The title of one of the chapters – “The life, conduct, and regulations of Ałuankʽ defined by King Vačʽagan and the discovery of the holy relics” (Dasx. 1.16, p. 42) – must have been the original title of the entire book which the tenth-century historian divided up into chapters by inventing new titles for them. As I have shown in previous publications,3 the Tale of Vačʽagan is a medieval panegyric text written in a classical style. That is, it is an apologetic hagiography that does not present a chronological arrangement of facts by year but instead describes the laudable deeds of its hero in a logical order. The author’s goal was not to depict a coherent history of Vačʽagan and his house but to present key challenges","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122584432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Images of the Good Ruler in Sasanian Iran: An Emic View","authors":"J. Wiesehöfer","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-008","url":null,"abstract":"At this juncture it came about that Cabades became seriously ill, and he called to him one of the Persians who were in closest intimacy with him, Mebodes by name, and conversed with him concerning Chosroes and the kingdom, and said he feared the Persians would make a serious attempt to disregard some of the things which had been decided upon by him. But Mebodes asked him to leave the declaration of his purpose in writing, and bade him be confident that the Persians would never dare to disregard it. So Cabades set it down plainly that Chosroes should become king over the Persians. The document was written by Mebodes himself, and Cabades immediately passed from among men. And when everything had been performed as prescribed by law in the burial of the king, then Caoses, confident by reason of the law, tried to lay claim to the office, but Mebodes stood in his way, asserting that no one ought to assume the royal power by his own initiative but by vote of the Persian notables. So Caoses committed the decision in the matter to the magistrates, supposing that there would be no opposition to him from there. But when all the Persian notables had been gathered together for this purpose and were in session, Mebodes read the document and stated the purpose of Cabades regarding Chosroes, and all, calling to mind the virtue of Cabades, straightway declared Chosroes King of the Persians. (transl. H.B. Dewing)","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121913893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Depiction of the Arsacid Dynasty in Medieval Armenian Historiography","authors":"Azat Bozoyan","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-010","url":null,"abstract":"The Arsacid, or Parthian, dynasty was founded in the 250s bce, detaching large territories from the Seleucid Kingdom which had been formed after the conquests of Alexander the Great. This dynasty ruled Persia for about half a millennium, until 226 ce, when Ardashir the Sasanian removed them from power. Under the Arsacid dynasty, Persia became Rome’s main rival in the East. Arsacid kings set up their relatives in positions of power in neighbouring states, thus making them allies. After the fall of the Artaxiad dynasty in Armenia in 66 ce, Vologases I of Parthia, in agreement with the Roman Empire and the Armenian royal court, proclaimed his brother Tiridates king of Armenia. His dynasty ruled Armenia until 428 ce. Armenian historiographical sources, beginning in the fifth century, always reserved a special place for that dynasty. Movsēs Xorenacʽi (Moses of Xoren), the ‘Father of Armenian historiography,’ attributed the origin of the Arsacids to the Artaxiad kings who had ruled Armenia beforehand. Early Armenian historiographic sources provide us with a number of testimonies regarding various representatives of the Arsacid dynasty and their role in the spread of Christianity in Armenia. In Armenian, as well as in some Syriac historical works, the origin of the Arsacids is related to King Abgar V of Edessa, known as the first king to officially adopt Christianity. Armenian and Byzantine historiographical sources associate the adoption of Christianity as the state religion in Armenia with the Arsacid King Tiridates III. Gregory the Illuminator, who played a major role in the adoption of Christianity as Armenia’s state religion and who even became widely known as the founder of the Armenian Church, belongs to another branch of the same family. Medieval Armenian sources call that branch of the Arsacids,which played a significant role in the middle of the fifth century, the Pahlavuni branch. It produced a series of catholicoi who presided over the Armenian Church until the line was broken by Sahak I ‘The Parthian’ (386–428?). A number of medieval catholicoi, particularly from Gregory II Vkayaser to Gregory VI Apirat (eleventh–twelfth centuries), also descended from the Pahlavuni family. A theoretical justification of this inheritance was elaborated in the eleventh century and, especially, in the Vipasanutʽiwn (Narratio) of Catholicos Nerses IV the Gracious (twelfth century). From an early period, Roman and Byzantine authors speak of the Parthian Arsacids as the ruling dynasties both in Persia and Armenia. Some scions of the Arsacid dynasty, who were mostly associated with the Byzantine Empire, are mentioned in","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130061490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-fm","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-fm","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130573064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Justice and Good Administration in Medieval Islam: The Book of the Pearl of the Ruler by Ibn ʿAbd Rabbih (860–940)","authors":"Isabel Toral-Niehoff","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-018","url":null,"abstract":"What were the qualities ascribed to the good ruler in medieval2 Islam and how is he depicted? Which examples were used to illustrate the adequate behaviour of a monarch and what was the ruler’s expected relationship to his entourage – ministers, counsellors and family? The Arabic textual tradition includes a wealth of texts on political theory and good government that can serve as source basis to answer these questions. In fact, the question of who rules has been critical in Islamic history since it beginnings, and disagreement on this subject has been the cause of numerous conflicts, the first one taking place immediately after the death of the Prophet in 632 ce when the community disagreed on his succession.3 Therefore, writings dealing with the","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"151 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127286862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Representations of Rulership in Late Antique Armenia","authors":"T. Greenwood","doi":"10.1515/9783110725612-009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-009","url":null,"abstract":"It should come as little surprise to discover that late antique Armenian literature preserves multiple constructions of rulership. Armenia experienced a series of major political, social and cultural transformations between the fourth and seventh centuries, as the twin powers of Rome and Persia confronted one another across this highly contested space. Represented as independent at the start of the fourth century, the Arsacid kingdom of Armenia was partitioned between the two powers in c. 387 ce, each installing a member of the Arsacid line as king. In the Roman sector, this practice was quickly discontinued but it persisted in the Persian sector until the deposition of king Artašēs in 428 ce. Thereafter every district of the former kingdom was under the notional control of Rome or Sasanian Persia and incorporated, to a greater or lesser extent, into their networks of government, administration and law. The balance of power remained remarkably stable for the following century and a half, with some four-fifths of historic Armenia under Persian hegemony, until the outbreak of war in 572 ce. From then on, as relations deteriorated, the situation became fluid. Both powers secured temporary control over swathes of Armenian territory – the Romans through negotiation in 591 and again in 630 as the Sasanian state imploded, the Persians in 607 after four years of warfare.1 The two decades after 640 witnessed a complex series of campaigns, raids and counter-measures undertaken by Roman, Armenian, and Arab forces. These culminated in Roman troops being driven westwards, beyond the river Euphrates, probably in 661.2 Yet even this event did not mark the end of Roman engagement. Not only did Roman military operations across Armenia revive in 685 and continue for the next three decades; several compositions completed, translated, or reworked at this time contain representations of Roman rulership, conceptualised in historical and ecclesiastical terms, suggesting that this model of authority held meaning and significance in a contemporary Armenian context.3","PeriodicalId":423918,"journal":{"name":"The Good Christian Ruler in the First Millennium","volume":"153 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127515431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}