Taiwan journal of democracy最新文献_第9页

The 2004 Venezuelan Recall Referendum 2004年委内瑞拉罢免公投

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2006-07-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200607.0005

J. Mccoy

{"title":"The 2004 Venezuelan Recall Referendum","authors":"J. Mccoy","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200607.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200607.0005","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the August 2004 recall vote in Venezuela, which determined whether President Chavez would continue his presidential term until 2007, or be forced to leave office midway through his term. It was a closely fought election in a deeply divided society. In this election, existing compensating mechanisms were not sufficient to overcome the extraordinary levels of distrust, and to provide an outcome in which the divisive electoral logic would shift to the collective acceptance of the vote. The politicization of the National Electoral Council (CNE) and the Supreme Court made them ineffective as an efficient and neutral arbiter, and undermined confidence in the process. International actors thus became the primary compensating mechanisms. The author outlines the lessons learned from this experience: that in contexts of deep polarization and lack of trust, extraordinary efforts are needed to overcome the distrust; that international observers can serve to overcome distrust through their ability to facilitate communication and negotiations among the political actors; and that fallible pre-election public opinion polls and election-day exit polls can be used by both sides to bolster their claims of victory. The upcoming December 2006 presidential elections will be crucial to assess the health of electoral democracy in Venezuela. The CNE must communicate with and consult the political parties and the public in an open and transparent manner and provide the safeguards required to generate confidence. The political leaders must appeal to the centrist and undecided portions of the population, and avoid the pressures of extremes on each side to take radical and uncompromising positions. Finally, if the electoral process is found to meet international standards, the international community must accept the outcome of the Venezuelans' choice.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"169 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132658684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 14

The 2000 U. S. Presidential Election 2000年美国总统大选

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2006-07-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200607.0003

George C. Edwards

{"title":"The 2000 U. S. Presidential Election","authors":"George C. Edwards","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200607.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200607.0003","url":null,"abstract":"This article looks at the U.S. presidential election in 2000, perhaps the closest election in American history. The author shows how the hallmark of American government, decentralization, is also apparent in the administration of elections, as state and local governments run elections, even for national offices. The diversity of election administration and the reliance on a weak infrastructure generates considerable potential for disputes in close elections, which is exacerbated by the nature of the Electoral College. In 2000, the College turned a clear but narrow victory for one candidate in the national vote totals into an extraordinarily close, highly disputed election, such that the electoral votes of a single state determined the outcome in favor of the other candidate. The author looks at the consequences of the closeness of that election, noting that the United States still lacks a clear means of resolving disputed elections. The constitutionally decentralized administration of the Electoral College-the administration of which is a state responsibility-makes it difficult to find a national solution. Historical levels of partisan polarization also discourage the search for a solution, as there is insufficient trust to allow for institutional redesign. Contested elections such as the presidential election of 2000 have an impact on the legitimacy of results and, therefore, on the ability of the new administration to establish a clear mandate to govern. As a result of the 2000 election, the nation took steps to improve the uniformity and fairness of voting procedures, and although there has been progress in decreasing the probability of disputes over individual ballots, it has done little to improve the fundamental causes of close elections or the means of resolving them.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130774662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

Path of Democratization: Circuitous in Slovakia But Not in the Czech Republic 民主化之路:斯洛伐克的曲折，捷克的不曲折

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2006-07-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200607.0010

Paula M. Pickering

{"title":"Path of Democratization: Circuitous in Slovakia But Not in the Czech Republic","authors":"Paula M. Pickering","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200607.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200607.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Students of political development have not always been good at understanding drastic political change (Myron Weiner and Samuel P. Huntington, Understanding Political Development, Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, 1994, 33). Kevin Deegan-Krause contributes to efforts to remedy this shortcoming. He seeks to answer a fascinating puzzle of post-communist transition: What can account for both the divergence and later reconvergence of democratic development in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia? Not all East European countries sped along a unidirectional path toward liberal democracy when they threw off Soviet-backed communist rule. The zig-zag path of democratization that some post-communist states, such as Slovakia and Ukraine, have taken is a particularly interesting and important aspect of the political transition in Central and Eastern Europe. Unlike some of the cases in Latin America, the culprits for Slovakia’s and some neighbors’ regressions are not military leaders or economic downturns. Deegan-Krause adds to books, such as V.P. Gagnon’s The Myth of Ethnic War: Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005) that help to understand why some countries, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, actually regressed from the process of democratization before accelerating their progress toward democratic consolidation. Both resist blaming the attitudes of the general population for regression or showering the international community’s policies with praise for correcting them. They instead propose more complex models that focus on the dynamics of political competition in post-communist transitions. Deegan-Krause offers a convincing model that highlights the counterproductive role played in new democratizers by strategic politicians, who, when significantly challenged by the dynamics of political competition and weakly constrained by young democratic institutions, choose to exacerbate popular attitudinal differences in the name of accumulating power.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125274535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The 2004 Election in Spain: Terrorism, Accountability, and Voting 2004年西班牙大选:恐怖主义、问责制和投票

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2006-07-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200607.0002

Ignacio Lago, J. R. Montero

{"title":"The 2004 Election in Spain: Terrorism, Accountability, and Voting","authors":"Ignacio Lago, J. R. Montero","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200607.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200607.0002","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the impact of the March 11 terrorist attacks in Madrid on the election for the renovation of the Congress of Deputies and the Senate on March 14, 2004, which led to the defeat of the conservative government of the Popular Party and the inauguration of the Socialist Party (PSOE) government. It examines the extent to which the terrorist attacks changed the voting preferences of Spaniards, and if they did, to what extent they are a necessary and sufficient factor when explaining the defeat of the party in government. The authors answer these questions by discussing the predominant interpretations of the impact of terrorism on electoral choices; analyzing the causal mechanisms behind the impact of terrorism on the electoral results and their empirical relevance; assessing the robustness of these causal mechanisms through different data and arguments; and looking not only at the question of what but also to the issue of how much, using a counterfactual statistical analysis to quantify the impact of the attacks on the election results. On the basis of the analysis of various polls, they conclude that the attacks did not change the voting preferences of Spaniards; rather, voting choices were influenced by negative views of the government's support for the invasion of Iraq and government manipulation when informing the public about the responsibility for the attacks before the elections. Thus, the PP defeat was not caused by the terrible attacks per se, but by the working of the basic mechanisms that ensure democratic accountability. Because the majority of Spaniards felt that the government did not respond to their demands or policy preferences, they punished it at the ballot box.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129944991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 13

Testing the Immune System of a Newly Born Democracy: The 2004 Presidential Election in Taiwan

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2006-07-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200607.0006

T. Cheng, Dachi Liao

{"title":"Testing the Immune System of a Newly Born Democracy: The 2004 Presidential Election in Taiwan","authors":"T. Cheng, Dachi Liao","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200607.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200607.0006","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the closely fought March 2004 Taiwan presidential election, in which the difference between the winner and the runner-up was a mere 0.22 percent, and which was characterized by a high level of partisan passions and distrust. This election was also notable because the rules governing disputes during presidential elections had never been used, since the 2004 presidential election was only the third instance of a popular election of a president. The article examines the context and structure of electoral contest and the various dimensions of the controversy, identifies the avenues for ”electoral dispute settlement,” the role played by different political and social actors, as well as that of various institutions in this heated electoral drama. The authors show that three sets of agents played a role in increasing the legitimacy of a legal solution to the problem, and thus to remove the possibility of greater political conflict, namely the United States, the mass media and the general public, and third and most critically, leaders from both camps, who made compromises and concessions at crucial moments. In contrast with the latter actors, the military, the judiciary, and the Central Election Committee (CEC) managed to remain neutral. The authors conclude that the newly installed Taiwanese democracy is probably less fragile than it appears to be, as it passed the litmus test of acceptance by electoral losers of a dispute settlement mechanism and of a ”verdict.” Thus, despite sustained mass mobilization, unauthorized mass rallies, acute political polarization, and vitriolic exchanges between the leading contenders, the electoral dispute was resolved by the judiciary.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131908094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 5

Islam and Democracy: A Global Perspective 伊斯兰教与民主:全球视角

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2005-12-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200512.0006

Min-hua Huang

引用次数: 7

Polarization and Consensus in West German Foreign Policy, 1949-1990 1949-1990年西德外交政策的两极分化与共识

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2005-12-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200512.0002

C. Clemens

{"title":"Polarization and Consensus in West German Foreign Policy, 1949-1990","authors":"C. Clemens","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200512.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200512.0002","url":null,"abstract":"During its four-decade lifespan, West Germany endured fierce domestic dispute over its foreign and security policies. On at least three occasions, government decisions to make major changes in the direction of Bonn's external relations rocked the Republic's political landscape, triggering intense, ideologically-fueled, partisan conflict-confrontation at times further heightened by a powerful executive's dominant role in decisionmaking and the frustration of a largely impotent legislature. Yet, even in those turbulent phases, respect for democratic process was never in danger or even in question and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was generally able to balance robust debate over foreign policy with the need for consensus on substance and democratic process. While West Germany's special sensitivity to its external environment created an incentive for bipartisanship, features of its domestic political setting reinforced this centripetal tendency-and provided ways of forging compromise. Party politics drove domestic confrontation, but also helped to limit it: neither of the two major players could long afford to abandon the political center to its rival without risk of alienating swing voters and the FDP-a vital coalition ally-and, thus, without risk of permanent exile from political power. Moreover, despite the acrimony often generated by a strong chancellorial role in foreign policy, the FRG's institutional framework otherwise mitigated in favor of compromise: even with a Bundestag majority, no government could run roughshod over its opponents, given the risk of a backlash against it in the Bundesrat. On balance, centripetal forces in the formulation of Bonn's foreign policy overwhelmed the centrifugal tendencies that often sparked fierce, if brief, domestic confrontation.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"164 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127366458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

Catholic and Muslim Politics in Comparative Perspective 比较视角下的天主教和穆斯林政治

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2005-12-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200512.0005

J. Casanova

引用次数: 31

Party Decline in a Mature System: The Congress Party of India 成熟制度下的政党衰落:印度国大党

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2005-07-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200507.0003

Pradeep K. Chhibber

引用次数: 5

Is Democratization Foreign Policy 民主化是外交政策吗?

Taiwan journal of democracy Pub Date : 2005-07-01 DOI: 10.29654/TJD.200507.0009

E. Friedman

引用次数: 2