Polarization and Consensus in West German Foreign Policy, 1949-1990

C. Clemens
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

During its four-decade lifespan, West Germany endured fierce domestic dispute over its foreign and security policies. On at least three occasions, government decisions to make major changes in the direction of Bonn's external relations rocked the Republic's political landscape, triggering intense, ideologically-fueled, partisan conflict-confrontation at times further heightened by a powerful executive's dominant role in decisionmaking and the frustration of a largely impotent legislature. Yet, even in those turbulent phases, respect for democratic process was never in danger or even in question and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was generally able to balance robust debate over foreign policy with the need for consensus on substance and democratic process. While West Germany's special sensitivity to its external environment created an incentive for bipartisanship, features of its domestic political setting reinforced this centripetal tendency-and provided ways of forging compromise. Party politics drove domestic confrontation, but also helped to limit it: neither of the two major players could long afford to abandon the political center to its rival without risk of alienating swing voters and the FDP-a vital coalition ally-and, thus, without risk of permanent exile from political power. Moreover, despite the acrimony often generated by a strong chancellorial role in foreign policy, the FRG's institutional framework otherwise mitigated in favor of compromise: even with a Bundestag majority, no government could run roughshod over its opponents, given the risk of a backlash against it in the Bundesrat. On balance, centripetal forces in the formulation of Bonn's foreign policy overwhelmed the centrifugal tendencies that often sparked fierce, if brief, domestic confrontation.
1949-1990年西德外交政策的两极分化与共识
在40年的历史中,西德在外交和安全政策上经历了激烈的国内争论。至少有三次,政府决定对波恩对外关系的方向做出重大改变,动摇了共和国的政治格局,引发了激烈的、意识形态推动的党派冲突——有时,强大的行政部门在决策中的主导作用和基本上无能的立法机构的挫败感进一步加剧了这种冲突。然而,即使在这些动荡的阶段,对民主进程的尊重从未受到威胁,甚至从未受到质疑,德意志联邦共和国(联邦共和国)一般能够在就外交政策进行激烈辩论与就实质和民主进程达成协商一致意见的需要之间取得平衡。虽然西德对外部环境的特殊敏感性为两党合作创造了动力,但其国内政治环境的特点加强了这种向心倾向,并提供了达成妥协的途径。政党政治推动了国内对抗,但也有助于限制这种对抗:两大主要政党都无法长期承担放弃政治中间派给对手的风险,否则就会疏远摇摆不定的选民和自民党(一个重要的联盟盟友),因此也就不会有永远被驱逐出政治权力的风险。此外,尽管总理在外交政策上的强势角色往往会引发激烈的争吵,但德国联邦政府的制度框架在其他方面缓和了一些,有利于妥协:即使在联邦议院占多数,考虑到在联邦参议院遭到强烈反对的风险,任何政府都不能对其对手为所欲为。总的说来,波恩外交政策制定过程中的向心力压倒了经常引发激烈(虽然是短暂的)国内对抗的离心倾向。
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