The 2004 Venezuelan Recall Referendum

J. Mccoy
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引用次数: 14

Abstract

This article examines the August 2004 recall vote in Venezuela, which determined whether President Chavez would continue his presidential term until 2007, or be forced to leave office midway through his term. It was a closely fought election in a deeply divided society. In this election, existing compensating mechanisms were not sufficient to overcome the extraordinary levels of distrust, and to provide an outcome in which the divisive electoral logic would shift to the collective acceptance of the vote. The politicization of the National Electoral Council (CNE) and the Supreme Court made them ineffective as an efficient and neutral arbiter, and undermined confidence in the process. International actors thus became the primary compensating mechanisms. The author outlines the lessons learned from this experience: that in contexts of deep polarization and lack of trust, extraordinary efforts are needed to overcome the distrust; that international observers can serve to overcome distrust through their ability to facilitate communication and negotiations among the political actors; and that fallible pre-election public opinion polls and election-day exit polls can be used by both sides to bolster their claims of victory. The upcoming December 2006 presidential elections will be crucial to assess the health of electoral democracy in Venezuela. The CNE must communicate with and consult the political parties and the public in an open and transparent manner and provide the safeguards required to generate confidence. The political leaders must appeal to the centrist and undecided portions of the population, and avoid the pressures of extremes on each side to take radical and uncompromising positions. Finally, if the electoral process is found to meet international standards, the international community must accept the outcome of the Venezuelans' choice.
2004年委内瑞拉罢免公投
本文考察了2004年8月委内瑞拉的罢免投票,这次投票决定了查韦斯总统是继续他的总统任期到2007年,还是被迫在任期中途离职。在一个分裂严重的社会中,这是一场势均力敌的选举。在这次选举中,现有的补偿机制不足以克服高度的不信任,也不足以提供一种结果,使分裂的选举逻辑转向集体接受投票。国家选举委员会和最高法院的政治化使它们作为一个高效和中立的仲裁者的作用失效,并破坏了对这一进程的信心。国际行为体因此成为主要的补偿机制。作者概述了从这一经验中吸取的教训:在两极分化和缺乏信任的背景下,需要付出非凡的努力来克服不信任;国际观察员可以通过其促进政治行动者之间的沟通和谈判的能力来克服不信任;而且,选举前的民意调查和选举日的出口调查都可以被双方用来支持自己的胜利主张。2006年12月即将举行的总统选举对于评估委内瑞拉选举民主的健康状况至关重要。中央选举委员会必须以公开透明的方式与各政党和公众进行沟通和协商,并提供必要的保障措施,以建立信心。政治领导人必须吸引中间派和犹豫不决的人群,避免迫于双方极端分子的压力而采取激进和不妥协的立场。最后,如果发现选举进程符合国际标准,国际社会必须接受委内瑞拉人选择的结果。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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