{"title":"Ritual and Identity Elections and Voting in Singapore","authors":"M. Ting","doi":"10.29654/TJD.201012.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.201012.0006","url":null,"abstract":"According to recent press reports, the influx of migrants has been a source of much unhappiness among Singaporeans. Furthermore, this development could undermine Singapore's national identity in the long-term. To address this problem, the People's Action Party (PAP) reduced or removed housing, healthcare, and education subsidies noncitizens previously enjoyed. The rationale is to treat visitors well, but citizens better. However, this policy deals only with the symptom and not the cause of the influx problem. To strengthen national identity, this essay argues that having a more competitive electoral contest which allowed more Singaporeans to vote would be a more effective long-term policy. This essay views voting as a political ritual that differentiates citizens from noncitizens. This political ritual is necessary because it permits Singapore citizens to identify with the larger and often abstract political forces within the country. Yet, a detailed examination of Singapore's elections since 1968 indicates a general downward rend in the number of Singaporeans voting, as many seats are uncontested. Hence, this essay argues that a more competitive electoral process that honors the act of voting in its observance and not its breach is more effective in maintaining a strong and durable identity than a policy of increasing or decreasing subsidies, especially in view of demographic changes in Singapore.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"95 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115161141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Political Parties and the Quest for Political Stability in Nigeria","authors":"J. S. Omotola","doi":"10.29654/TJD.201012.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.201012.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Reputed as the ”makers” of democracy, political parties are by all standards one of the most outstanding and distinguishing elements of modern government. Indeed, democracy is unthinkable in the absence of viable political parties. Parties are expected to participate in the political socialization of electorates, contribute to the accumulation of political power, facilitate recruitment of political leadership, and serve as a unifying force in a divided polity. Parties can cope with these pivotal roles only provided that they are viable: well institutionalized, internally democratic, coherent, disciplined, and autonomous. Can Nigerian parties stand the test of time when assessed against these currencies? This essay engages this crucial question in relation to Nigeria's quest for political stability. After a review of current trends in party activities under the Fourth Republic, the essay concludes that Nigerian parties have tended to become more of a democratic liability than an asset in the country's quest for political stability. It identifies the limiting dimensions of effective party polities and offers useful recommendations.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127775139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Who Votes? Implications for New Democracies","authors":"Michael Bratton, Yun-han Chu, Marta Lagos","doi":"10.29654/TJD.201007.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.201007.0005","url":null,"abstract":"To appreciate the quality of new democracies around the world, it is desirable to understand the social dimensions of mass participation. While studies have been done on this subject for established democracies of the North, it is necessary to check results against observations from the developing world. Using unique data from Globalbarometer surveys, we find support for some aspects of conventional wisdom, but evidence that challenges other aspects. For example, we confirm the universality of abstention of youth from participation in elections. But we cannot replicate the truism that persons of higher socioeconomic status tend to vote more frequently. And we add the intriguing new finding that rural folk participate consistently more regularly than their urban counterparts. These social effects are tested against a rival institutional approach and found to be robust. The essay concludes by exploring the implications of the low quality of a mobilized rather than autonomous rural vote for the consolidation of democracy.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"220 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128804504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Incomplete Narrative of Arab Democratization","authors":"M. al-Sayyid","doi":"10.29654/TJD.201007.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.201007.0008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122200749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Political Support from Election Losers in Asian Democracies","authors":"Willy Jou","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200912.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200912.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Democracy entails popular participation through elections, and elections necessarily produce losers as well as winners. Losers' attitudes affect the continued viability of democracy, particularly in countries that only transitioned from authoritarian rule in recent years. Using two waves of the Asian Barometer survey, this study examines the impact of winner/loser status on four dimensions of system support in Japan, Mongolia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. Results show that although losers have less confidence in political authorities (incumbent government or president) and institutions (parliament) and sometimes express greater dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy, they are no less committed to democratic norms (including rejection of autocratic regime types) than winners. The magnitude and impact of winner-loser gaps do not vary systematically as a function of the age of democracy or institutional structures; instead, their explanation likely lies in country-specific contexts such as political history.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131149948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Democracy Sanctions an Assessment of Economic Sanctions as an Instrument of Democracy Promotion","authors":"Stephen Collins","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200912.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200912.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Democracy promotion is often dismissed as a futile American foreign policy endeavor. Economic sanctions conventionally are derided as ineffective and counterproductive. Consequently, one might predict that the use of economic sanctions to promote democracy would represent a hopelessly inept strategy. This study finds, conversely, that sanctions represent a relatively effective instrument of democracy promotion. The idea that sanctions were futile was minted in the bipolar era, when the structural attributes of the international system limited the effectiveness of superpower sanctions. After the marked shift in the polar configuration of power upon the disappearance of the Soviet Union, however, the structural attributes of the system presented a more benign environment for the sanctions efforts of the United States. A comparative analysis of the use of democracy sanctions in the bipolar era versus those implemented in the 1990s reveals that sanctions became significantly more effective. This essay examines the causal origins of the increase in the effectiveness of democracy sanctions, and considers whether the high success rate for the approach can be sustained into the near future in light of recent challenges to American hegemony.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"49 5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127993226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Beyond Lustration Truth-Seeking Efforts in the Post-Communist Space","authors":"B. Grodsky","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200912.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200912.0002","url":null,"abstract":"While the topic of transitional justice in the post-communist world has been largely constrained to discourse on one subject, lustration, this essay highlights the varied nature of transitional justice policies that have taken root in the region. The overemphasis on lustration, and especially the most controversial elements of lustration policies, the essay argues, has distorted our grasp of communist-era rights abuses and detracted from our broader understanding of transitional justice in the entire post-communist region. Lustration is important, but its prevalence is emblematic of a broader process being carried out in search of ”the truth.” Here, the essay uses lustration as a launching pad to explore the variety of truth-revelation procedures that have been enacted in countries from two geographical subregions of the former Soviet Union (the Baltics and Central Asia) and two subregions of Central Europe (northern and southern). This sampling of just one justice sphere, the essay concludes, highlights the need to reassess justice in the region more generally.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115900179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Paths and Trajectories of Welfare Expansion in New Democracies","authors":"Yun Fan","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200912.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200912.0008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116341596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lustration and the Survival of Parliamentary Parties","authors":"M. Nalepa","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200912.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200912.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Lustration laws, which limit the access to public office of persons who previously worked for or collaborated with the ancien regime's secret police, have distributive political effects. Because infiltration varies across political parties, lustration affects parties unequally. Heavily infiltrated parties suffer losses from lustration while mildly infiltrated parties gain. Yet the specific level of infiltration may be unknown to parties that have the potential to gain from lustration, which if sufficiently risk-averse, may prefer to avoid lustration for fear of exposing ”skeletons in their closet.” This is particularly true of parties based upon former dissident groups. This essay hypothesizes that over time, new parties free of infiltration will emerge and compete in democratic elections with the former communist and former dissident parties. Such newcomers stand to gain from lustration that reveals collaborators among the former opposition and former communists. Legislative data from East Central Europe (ECE) is used to illustrate that parties with a prolustration agendum appear later into the transition and that their representation increases over time relative to old parties with antilustration agenda.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134119901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Voting with their feet: The relationship between political efficacy and protest propensity among Hong Kong residents","authors":"Hao-chieh Chang, H. I. Chyi","doi":"10.29654/TJD.200912.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29654/TJD.200912.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Hong Kong, a quasi-democratic society, provides a unique context for the study of political participation. This study documents Hong Kong's political sentiments during a critical transitional period in its democratization process. A random-sample telephone survey examined Hong Kong residents’ sense of political efficacy, their propensity to participate in protest activities under British and Chinese rule, and their response to the possible enactment of a national security bill before the controversial legislative process precipitated a political crisis in 2003. Results showed that people with a high degree of internal political efficacy and a low degree of external political efficacy were more likely to engage in protest activities. Such findings provide a reference point for future studies on Hong Kong's public opinion toward protest activities.","PeriodicalId":403398,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan journal of democracy","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128989776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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