Lustration and the Survival of Parliamentary Parties

M. Nalepa
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Lustration laws, which limit the access to public office of persons who previously worked for or collaborated with the ancien regime's secret police, have distributive political effects. Because infiltration varies across political parties, lustration affects parties unequally. Heavily infiltrated parties suffer losses from lustration while mildly infiltrated parties gain. Yet the specific level of infiltration may be unknown to parties that have the potential to gain from lustration, which if sufficiently risk-averse, may prefer to avoid lustration for fear of exposing ”skeletons in their closet.” This is particularly true of parties based upon former dissident groups. This essay hypothesizes that over time, new parties free of infiltration will emerge and compete in democratic elections with the former communist and former dissident parties. Such newcomers stand to gain from lustration that reveals collaborators among the former opposition and former communists. Legislative data from East Central Europe (ECE) is used to illustrate that parties with a prolustration agendum appear later into the transition and that their representation increases over time relative to old parties with antilustration agenda.
阐释与议会政党的生存
限制曾为旧政权的秘密警察工作或与之合作的人进入公职的“流放法”具有分配性的政治效应。由于渗透在不同政党之间是不同的,因此光照对政党的影响是不平等的。被严重渗透的政党遭受损失,而被轻微渗透的政党则获益。然而,对于有可能从光照中获益的各方来说,具体的渗透程度可能是未知的,如果足够厌恶风险,他们可能更愿意避免光照,因为害怕暴露“壁橱里的骷髅”。建立在以前持不同政见者团体基础上的政党尤其如此。本文假设,随着时间的推移,不受渗透的新政党将出现,并在民主选举中与前共产主义政党和前持不同政见者政党竞争。这些新来者将从揭露前反对派和前共产党之间的合作者的启示中获益。来自东中欧(欧洲经委会)的立法数据被用来说明具有突出议程的政党在过渡时期出现较晚,并且它们的代表性随着时间的推移相对于具有反突出议程的旧政党而增加。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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