Millennium DIPr最新文献

{"title":"The Last Dance of the Salians: the Pagan Élite of Rome and Christian Emperors in the Fourth Century AD","authors":"G. Ferri","doi":"10.1515/mill-2015-0106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2015-0106","url":null,"abstract":"How does the pagan élite of Rome react to the laws that gradually limited the traditional religion and imposed the Christian faith? Was it an armed resistance or a painless process? The case study to better understand the topic will be an inscription regarding the Salians (CIL 6.2158), a very ancient priesthood of Rome, traditionally held by young Roman patricians. The pontiffs act independently without their maximus (the emperor), trying to go on practising the ancestral rites and restoring the ancient buildings, in this case precisely the mansiones of the Salians. Taking advantage of the evidence provided by the laws contained in the 16th book of the Theodosian Code, it will be very interesting to follow the internal process of change of the Roman élite, more complex than usually regarded, between actions and reactions, resistences until the inevitable conversion. The fourth century is no doubt a turning point in Roman history and religion.1 Christianity gradually imposed itself as the one and only religion of the Empire, not even a century after the so-called “Edict of Tolerance” issued in 313 AD by Constantine.2 From the persecuted, the Christians became persecutors.3  On the recent flourishing of studies on Late Antiquity and for a history of the concept, see A. Giardina, “Esplosione di tardoantico”, Studi Storici. Rivista trimestrale dell’Istituto Gramsci , , –; L. De Giovanni, Istituzioni scienza giuridica codici nel mondo tardo antico, Roma , ch. ; A. Garzya, “Premesse al Tardo antico”, in U. Criscuolo – L. De Giovanni (eds.), Trent’anni di studi sulla Tarda Antichità: bilanci e prospettive. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Napoli – Novembre , Napoli , –.  On the complex figure of Costantine, his conversion and his relation with the city of Rome and the traditional religion, see A. Alföldi, The Conversion of Costantine and Pagan Rome, Oxford ; R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians in the Mediterranean world from the second century ad to the conversion of Constantine, London , –; G. Ostrogorsky, Storia dell’impero bizantino, Torino , –; P. Bruun, “The victorious sign of Constantine: a reappraisal”, Numismatic Chronicle , , –; P. Barcelò, “Warum Christus? Überlegungen zu Costantins Entscheidung für das Christentum”, in C. Batsch, U. Egelhaaf-Geiser, R. Stepper (eds.), Zwischen Krise und Alltag. Conflit et normalité, Stuttgart , –; L. De Giovanni, L’imperatore Costantino e il mondo pagano, Napoli ; A. Fraschetti, La conversione. Da Roma pagana a Roma cristiana, Ed. Laterza, RomaBari , –; M. Sordi, “La conversione di Costantino”, in A. Donati, G. Gentili (eds.), Costantino il Grande. La civiltà antica al bivio tra Occidente e Oriente, Milano , –; G. Filoramo, La croce e il potere. I cristiani da martiri a persecutori, Roma–Bari , ch. ; on Constantine’s legislation, see J. Gaudemet, “Les constitutions costantiniennes du Code Théodosien”, in ARC ","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/mill-2015-0106","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72499325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Der christliche Identitätsdiskurs im spätantiken Römischen Reich: Griechischer Osten und lateinischer Westen in komparatistischer Perspektive","authors":"K. Piepenbrink","doi":"10.1515/mill-2015-0104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2015-0104","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines the Christian identity discourse of Late Antiquity in the Greek East and the Latin West in a comparative perspective. It shows structural parallels as well as differences and interprets them in their historical context. Besides, it critically scrutinizes possible interdependencies between the identity discourse, which strongly operates with a fundamental antagonism of ‘Christian’ and ‘pagan’, and real conflicts between the adherents of Christian religion and the so-called pagans in both parts of the Roman Empire. In contrast to former research approaches the paper demonstrates that the real confrontations were more massive as well as complex in the Greek East than in the Latin West, paradoxically because there were more similarities between Christians and non-Christians here, especially among the members of the social elites. On account of this it was more difficult for eastern Christians to cope with a Christian-pagan-antagonism to form their own religious identity than for western Christians. At last the paper shows that the discrepancies between the eastern and the western part of the empire concerning our phenomenon even increased in the course of time: In the West, it lost its significance during the conflicts with the Germanic ethnic groups, when the ‘barbarian’ began to form the counterpart of the ‘Christian’. In the East, Christians operated even more intensively with the antagonistic paradigm as soon as the real conflicts decreased in the fifth and sixth centuries, as it became easier to draw sharp religious borders.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83515535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Zur „Reliquientopographie“ von Konstantinopel in mittelbyzantinischer Zeit","authors":"A. Effenberger","doi":"10.1515/mill-2015-0111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2015-0111","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I focus on two Problems: One of them concerns the division of relics and their multiple translations within Constantinople. The second is given by the Kniga palomnik” (Book of Pilgrimage) of Anthony of Novgorod. Anthony visited Constantinople in 1200 as a layman, where he inspected a number of churches and recorded their relics and icons. But his text of the Kniga palomnik” poses also two problems: 1.) A considerable part of the lemmata not follows a clear topographical route. 2.) Churches, which are dedicated to same saint, but in different localities were often considered as single one and mistakenly placed. Thereby also the separate routes were conflated in an incorrect manner. In my paper I try to disentangle these contaminations. The main part of the study presents the problem of the Kniga palomnik” under the light of three exemplary cases. Firstly it will be explained how Antonij has used the toponyme Pjaterica both for the quarter ta Petrou and for the Petrion. The churches of this region can be classified in a topographically correct order with the help of a synoptic comparison of the paragraphs in the Latin itinerary (so-called Anonymus Mercati or English pilgrim). The localization of an alleged church of the “Prophet” Elias in the Forum of Constantine rises as one of the important examples to show the mistakes of Antonijs text. In another case Anthony locates the Blachernae und the Chalkoprateia churches in the immediate neighborhood. Both of this sanctuaries preserved parts of the garments of the Virgin Mary. In terms of perception of these relics (maphorion, robe, belt) there are also considerable discrepancies between the Kniga palomnik”, the Latin itinerary and other written sources. Because of the long interval between his visit and his late script one can think that Anthony has difficulties to remember the exact localization of the garment relics. In this section of my study I try to correct such kind of errors of Antony′s text. Conflated churches will be consider separately and assign to two appropriate routes. The following exemplary case concerns the relics in the church of the Holy Apostles. Also here a comparison of the Kniga palomnik”, the Latin itinerary and other catalogues of relics shows considerable differences. This suggests that the bodies or body parts of the saints often moved from a church to another during the “city-internal translations”. The attention is directed  Dieser Beitrag versteht sich als weitere Vorarbeit zu meinem Buch „Untersuchungen zur sakralen Topographie von Konstantinopel anhand der Itinerare des Codex Digbeianus lat.  und des russischen Pilgers Antonij von Novgorod“. S. schon A. Effenberger, Antonij von Novgorod und die Kirche des Theodoros ἐν τοῖς Σφωρακίου – Ein Beitrag zur sakralen Topographie von Konstantinopel, in: Proceedings of the nd International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Sofia – August . Third Plenary Session: Cities and Public Spaces, Sofia , –","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73598655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Abkürzungen(Editionen, Zeitschriften, Reihen,\u0000 Nachschlagewerke)","authors":"H. Leppin","doi":"10.1515/9783110404951.303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110404951.303","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79547210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Inadequate Heirs of Theodosius. Ancestry, merit and divine blessing in the representation of Arcadius and Honorius","authors":"M. Icks","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0105","url":null,"abstract":"Although Arcadius (AD 395–408) and Honorius (AD 395–423) occupied the throne in times of great political and military turmoil, their reigns marked a decisive shift to a ‘palace emperorship’ in which rulers no longer led armies in person, but cultivated their ceremonious and religious roles. In this article, I examine how the traditional aspects of imperial legitimacy – in particular, dynastic arguments, personal qualities and achievements, and divine approval, or even appointment – were adapted and rearranged during this transformational period. Although performances and speeches which were tied to specific events still emphasized the emperors’ Theodosian ancestry and the military victories that were achieved in their names, the coins and titulature of Arcadius and Honorius contain no reference to these elements whatsoever. Instead, these media represent the reign of the brothers as eternal and unchanging, without any focus on its origins or the reason for their accession to the throne. In marked contrast to Theodosius, Arcadius and Honorius never emphasized popular consent as a relevant factor in their legitimation, deriving their authority directly from the blessing of God. From this perspective, imperial successes such as military victories confirmed, rather than generated their right to rule. As the emperors maintained, as long as they were steadfast in their piety, no amount of political or military upheaval could undermine their claim to power. In AD 379, Themistius came to visit the newly appointed emperor Theodosius at Thessalonica and held a speech in his honour. ‘It was not family connection which advanced you to the purple,’ the famous orator declared, ‘but virtue in superabundance, not close kinship but display of strength and manhood.’ The emperor Gratian, too, was praised because he had selected the best man for the job, instead of granting imperial powers to his nearest relative. Perceptive listeners would surely have understood this comment as a veiled attack on the recently deceased Valens, who had been appointed as co-emperor by his brother without possessing the necessary qualities to govern the Empire.1 The soldiers had acclaimed this inadequate candidate half-heartedly, not daring to contest Valentinian’s choice. Theodosius,  Themistius, Oratio 14.182b–c; see also p. 228 n. 65 (P. Heather & D. Moncur [eds. & transl.], 2001. Politics, Philosophy, and Empire in the Fourth Century: Select Orations of Themistius, Liverpool). For Valens, see Noel Lenski’s lucid study, which describes the emperor’s reign as ‘something of a failure’ (N. Lenski, 2002. Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century A.D., Berkeley – Los Angeles – London, 373). however, had been summoned to rule by the Roman people themselves – or so Themistius claimed – because they knew that only he could save them from the threatening barbarian hordes.2 In AD 389, the western orator Pacatus expressed a similar sentiment when he addressed the emp","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88759761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Eirōn-terms in Greek Classical and Byzantine texts: a preliminary analysis for understanding irony in Byzantium","authors":"Efthymia Braounou","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0111","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the present article is to clarify the specific meanings of the terms used in Byzantine sources to denote irony: the abstract noun eirōneia itself and its cognates, the person noun eirōn, the adjective eirōnikos, -ē, -on, the verb eirōneuomai and the adverb eirōnikōs. The Ancient Greek background of such terms is also taken into consideration, as it provided a reference point for the Byzantine literary tradition. Indeed, as will be shown, all meanings of eirōn-terms established in antiquity are adopted by the Byzantines. The clarification of the terms’s complex semantics will help to illuminate, in a further step, the multifacetedness of irony as a literary and cultural practice in Byzantium.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84590917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Anleitungen zum Sehen. Die Visionen und Theophanien in den Mosaiken von SS. Cosma e Damiano, Sant’Apollinare in Classe und Hosios David","authors":"A. Bergmeier","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0108","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84697023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"„… herrlichste Früchte echtester Philosophie …“ – Schulen bei Justin und Origenes, im frühen Christentum sowie bei den zeitgenössischen Philosophen","authors":"T. Georges","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0103","url":null,"abstract":"It is difficult to grasp the profile of “Early Christian schools”. This article argues that this profile can be clarified if those “schools” are understood in the context of contemporary pagan philosophersʼ schools. Against this background, fundamental correspondences between Justin’s and Origen’s schools emerge, and a comparison with what we know about the wider horizon of early Christian higher education suggests that their schools played an exemplary role. In order to set out this thesis, Justin’s school is analyzed first. It is asked what we can know about it and in what sense it can be understood as a “school” (I). Then, the evidence about Justin’s school is paralleled with what we know about contemporary philosophers’ schools (II) and about Origen’s schools (III). Finally, the references between the schools of Justin and Origen and the broad context of early Christian education and teachers are highlighted (IV).","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/mill-2014-0103","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72491866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Zur Selbstrepräsentation von Bischöfen des 3. und 4. Jahrhunderts in verbaler Kommunikation","authors":"K. Piepenbrink","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0104","url":null,"abstract":"The self-representation of bishops in the third and fourth century AD is characterized by a high level of continuity. The transformation of the episcopal ministry,which results from the Constantinian shift, hardlymanifests itself here.The new fields of action in the public sphere neither lead to the establishment of new behavior patterns nor to any further need of legitimacy concerning the episcopate. So there is no need for a bishop to create or communicate a new imago.","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78757156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Wictharius, arrianae legis sacerdos. Beobachtungen zu c. 6 der Passio S. Vincentii Aginnensis","authors":"Gerd Kampers","doi":"10.1515/mill-2014-0106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/mill-2014-0106","url":null,"abstract":"After a survey of the first five chapters which contain a remarkable description of a Gallo-Roman fertility rite (the disruption of which by Vincentius caused his martyrdom) the article focuses on chapter six of the Passio S. Vincentii and its information about Wictharius. Born after the Visigothic settlement in Aquitain (418) as a member of the Gothic nobility he was probably a bishop of the Homoean Visigothic church. Because he had robbed the relics of saint Vincentius and burnt down his church in Pompeiacum (Le Mas-d’Agennais) he was expropriated and exiled first to Spain and later on (not before 508) to Italy. When returning from exile he died in an unknown year. Wictharius was descended from a Visigothic generatio (fara ‚Fahrtgemeinschaft‘) that was allotted a sors in the territory of the civitas Aginnum/Agen in the Garonne valley. As the report of the Passio shows this sors originally consisted of the tax or tribute paid by the inhabitants of or of a part of the village of Pompeiacum and of or of a part of the praedium Vernemetum (presumably owned by the Leontii, members of the senatorial aristocracy of Aquitain). A Visigothic Landnahme, i.e. the expropriation of landowners who paid a tax or tribute to a Visigothic sors-holder is attested only in the case of the genealogia/fara of Wictharius. Under his leadership it took place only after the middle of the 5th century. The information provided by the Passio supports Walter Goffart’s view of the “technique of accomodation”. 1. Die Quelle: Überlieferung, Datierung und Inhaltsübersicht Einen arianischen Kleriker mit dem germanischen Namen Wictharius1 überliefert die Passio S. Vincentii Aginnensis.2 Sie entstand umdieMitte des 6. Jahrhunderts,3 und ihre  Neben dieser im Ms H 55 der Universitätsbibliothek von Montpellier (s. dazu Anm. 4) überlieferten Namensform sind die Varianten Guetarius (Ms aus dem 12./13 Jh., Namur) und Vicarius (Ms aus dem 14./15. Jh., Paris) überliefert. S. Baudoin de Gaiffier d’Hestroy, La passion de S. Vincent, in: Analecta Bollandiana 70 (1952), S. 168. Für den philologischen Kommentar zu den drei Namenformen dankt der Verf. Wolfgang Haubrichs. „Die späte Form Vicarius ist eine volksetymologische Entstellung des Namens. Immerhin hält sie noch ein fest. Die Form Guetarius zeigt die typische Romanisierung des germanischen [w] mit der Schreibung , rom. Senkung von [i] zu [e] und hält dazu ein [t] fest. Die Form der Hs. aus dem 9. Jh. bietet die beste Überlieferung: Wict-harius < *Wiht-harjaz ‚KampfKrieger‘ zu germ. *wichto bzw. *wihti ‚Kampf‘. Der Stamm kommt als Erstelement praktisch in allen älteste erhaltene Fassung ist überliefert in einem aus Autun stammenden Manuskript vom Anfang des 9. Jahrhunderts.4 Die Passio berichtet vom Märtyrertod des Vincentius (Anfang des 4. Jahrhunderts) auf dem praedium Vernemetum5 im Territorium der Stadt Aginnum/Agen. Dort befand sich – wie schon der keltische Name des Latifundiums (der,wie Venantius Fortunatus überliefert, fanum ingen","PeriodicalId":36600,"journal":{"name":"Millennium DIPr","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83054451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}